EMEP: This lawlessness will be tried in the public conscience

In its endeavour to create a political regime defined by a one-man state characterised by oppression, violence and prohibition, the AKP Government has been responsible for all sorts of lawlessness. Including the arrest of politicians, elected officials, journalists and defenders of human rights; the closure of newspapers, magazines, television channels and radio channels; and the prohibition of strikes and protests…

Our party member, media adviser and Evrensel Writer Yusuf Karataş has been arrested as part of the investigation into the Democratic Society Congress (DTK) in Diyarbakır. The allegations brought against Karataş are without basis.

The DTK which was formed in 2007 was at the time invited to various government meetings and was consulted in relation to the resolution of the Kurdish issue. At times local AKP MPs also attended the meetings of the DTK but today – a decade later – as a result of the current political climate it has become defined as an illegal organisation. It is within the context of these activities that our member Yusuf Karataş has been arrested and accused. The prosecutor includes Yusuf Karataş’s participation in the Mesopotamia Seasonal Agricultural Workers Assembly (which was formed to protect the rights of agricultural workers) as illegal activity. The prosecutor also refers to his participation in the protest against the Roboski Massacre as well as the protest on the Supreme Election Council’s decision to veto independent MP candidates.

The accusations brought against Yusuf Karataş are part of the farcical proceedings that have been taking place recently. It has become the norm for political cases to be brought which take no account of legal criteria. Yusuf Karataş and the many others who are being tried in the same proceedings have simply been caught in this net. However, the situation cannot continue like this. A system which is led by illegality and a judicial system that disregards all rules and proceedings cannot survive for long. Because tyranny cannot continue forever.

These proceedings too will be judged by history and are being tried in the conscience of the public.

We will not accept this illegal process against our party member Yusuf Karataş. We will continue to struggle against all illegality, arbitrary arrests and attempts to criminalise innocent people.

Selma GÜRKAN
General President

ICMLPO: Resolution on Turkey

Resolution on Turkey:

For the annullment of government decrees and an end to the state of emergency

In Turkey, the state of emergency declared by the Erdogan regime following the coup attempt last year is still in full force under the pretext of “the fight against the coup plotters”. Government decrees issued so far have made clear that this “fight” was not limited to the coup plotters, but rather, since Erdogan called it a “god sent opportunity”, the state of emergency is being used to realize a counter-coup against the progressive, democratic and revolutionary forces of the country. It is obvious that Erdogan regime wants to normalize the state of emergency or keep it at least until the presidential regime is fully established, as it gives thim freedom from accountability, to legitimise his arbitrary actions.

As European members of the ICMLPO, we demand the annulment of the government decrees issued as part of the state of emergency, which caused the dismissal of five thousand university lecturers and hundreds of thousands of people, the arrest of tens of thousands of people and the closing of dozens of newspapers, journals, TV channels and radio stations. We declare solidarity with the struggles of the democratic forces of Turkey who demand an end to the state of emergency, and engage ourselves in campaigns to achieve this.

Workers Communist Party of Denmark – APK

Workers Communist Party of France – PCOF

Organization for the construction of the Communist Workers’ Party of Germany (Arbeit Zukunft)

Movement for the reorganization of the Communist Party of Greece (KKE 1918-1955)

Communist Platform - for the Communist Party of the Proletariat of Italy

Communist Party of Spain (marxist-leninist) – PCE (ml)

Party of Labour - EMEP (Turkey)

Statement of the Party of Labour of Iran (Toufan) on criminal aggression against Syria

We condemn the attack on Syria in the strongest terms!

 Finally, after several days of false propaganda of western imperialist’s media about the use of "chemical weapons” by the Syrian regime and shedding crocodile tears for "innocent children of t Syria" the U.S launched an air strike against Alshariat airfield. As a comment to the attack, the Zionist criminal Benjamin Netanyahu, the Israeli prime minister, said "Donald Trump both in word and in action sent a clear message to the effect that the use of chemical weapons will not be tolerated.". Netanyahu defended the aggression against Syria, saying "Israel hopes that the message indicates a firm determination to face the horrific actions of the Assad regime, not only in Damascus but also in Tehran, Pyongyang ( North Korean capital), and other places to be heard."

Interference of U.S. imperialism and the Zionist intelligence services and media in Syria has taken very direct, vicious, and barbaric form, bullying and hypocrisy and deception covers it. Vampires have become humanitarians overnight, and their teeth are sharpend for sucking the blood of the Syrian people....................

Our party strongly condemns the military attack against Syria and considers it as a flagrant violation of the rights of nations and the territorial integrity of Syria. We call upon every progressive organization and individual to expose and condemn the conspiracies that are plotted against the people of Syria.

Party of Labour of Iran (Toufan)

OCTOBER REVOLUTION – Confirmation of Leninist theory of the Proletarian Revolution

Movement for the Reorganisation of the Communist Party of Greece 1918-55

OCTOBER REVOLUTION – Confirmation of Leninist theory of the Proletarian Revolution

The victorious outcome of the Proletarian Revolution in October (7 November) 1917 in Russia - with leading force the revolutionary proletariat in the alliance of workers-peasants and under the leadership of the revolutionary Bolshevik Party of LENIN-STALIN - marked the beginning of a new era in human history: it celebrated the passage from capitalism-imperialism to socialism and the beginning of the construction of the new socialist-communist society and confirmed:

First, the necessity and inevitability of the proletarian revolution and socialism-communism; that "the class struggle leads to the communist Revolution" (Marx) and that "the class struggle necessarily leads to the dictatorship of the proletariat, (that this dictatorship itself only constitutes the transition to the abolition of all classes and to a classless society ." (Marx, 1852) i.e. the communist society.

Second, the inevitable of the replacement of capitalism by socialism-communism: "Precisely as capitalism succeeded feudalism, socialism likewise will inevitably succeed capitalism". (Marx)

Third, it confirmed the correctness of the Marxist theory of revolution and in particular the Leninist-Stalinist theory of the Proletarian Revolution.

Marx's standpoint "from which the evolution of the economic formation of society is viewed as a process of natural history" (The Capital, Vol. 1, Preface to the First German Edition) studying and analyzing the pre-monopoly capitalism, more precisely "the capitalist mode of production, and the conditions of production and exchange corresponding to that mode" discovered the natural laws of its movement and "working with iron necessity towards inevitable results" - revealed "the dirty little secret of capitalist exploitation" and its fundamental contradictions, remarking at the same time 'the temporary nature of the capitalist system" and its investable succession of Socialism-Communism.

Later, LENIN, during the first 15 years of the 20th century, studied the new stage of capitalism, monopoly capitalism i.e. imperialism and discovered, amongst other things, the law of Uneven economic and political development of capitalism: " Uneven economic and political development is an absolute law of capitalism" (Lenin, On the Slogan for a United States of Europe, 1915). At the same time he expressed the Leninist theory of Proletarian Revolution, remarking that by this law: "the victory of socialism is possible first in several or even in one capitalist country alone" (Lenin, ibid.) and "The development of capitalism proceeds extremely unevenly in different countries. It cannot be otherwise under commodity production. From this it follows irrefutably that socialism cannot achieve victory simultaneously in all countries. It will achieve victory first in one or several countries, while the others will for some time remain bourgeois or pre-bourgeois" (Lenin, The Military Programme of the Proletarian Revolution, 1916)

The October Revolution took place in exactly in the base of this analysis and in that way it confirmed the Leninist theory of the Proletarian Revolution.

cFor organising and preparing the Proletarian Revolution - apart from the struggle of the working class to defend its class interests - for a revolutionary communist movement, the follow points are generally necessary (as opposed by all opportunistic currents):

1. The realisation that the proletariat is the revolutionary class of the capitalism society, its historical missions and leading role in the revolution (inside the alliance of working class - poor peasants): "the proletariat alone is a really revolutionary class" (Marx, Manifesto of the Communist Party). "It is to the great historic merit of Marx and Engels that they indicated to the workers of the world their role, their task, their mission, namely, to be the first to rise in the revolutionary struggle against capital and to rally around themselves in this struggle all working and exploited people" (Lenin, Unveiling Of A Memorial To Marx And Engels, 1918)

The proletariat, the gravedigger of capitalism, is not just a depressed and exploited class, but first of all the most revolutionary class of the capitalist society whose mission is the overthrow of the capitalism: "The chief thing in the doctrine of Marx is that it brings out the historic role of the proletariat as the builder of socialist society." (Lenin, The Historical Destiny of the Doctrine of Karl Marx, 1913). Since then the working class has inscribed "on their banner the revolutionary watchword: “Abolition of the wages system!"" (Marx, Value Price and Profit)

2. Recognizing the existence and necessity of a mass revolutionary Party of new type mouthpiece, organizer and leader of the proletarian struggle.

3. Recognizing the leading role of the Communist Party in the revolution as the organizer and leader.

But nevertheless the revolution in Russia in October 1917, would be impossible without a revolutionary situation in that historic period, as noted by Lenin for revolution in general: "a revolution is impossible without a revolutionary situation; furthermore, it is not every revolutionary situation that leads to revolution. What, generally speaking, are the symptoms of a revolutionary situation? We shall certainly not be mistaken if we indicate the following three major symptoms: (1) when it is impossible for the ruling classes to maintain their rule without any change; when there is a crisis, in one form or another, among the “upper classes”, a crisis in the policy of the ruling class, leading to a fissure through which the discontent and indignation of the oppressed classes burst forth. For a revolution to take place, it is usually insufficient for “the lower classes not to want” to live in the old   way; it is also necessary that “the upper classes should be unable” to live in the old way; (2) when the suffering and want of the oppressed classes have grown more acute than usual; (3) when, as a consequence of the above causes, there is a considerable increase in the activity of the masses, who uncomplainingly allow themselves to be robbed in “peace time”, but, in turbulent times, are drawn both by all the circumstances of the crisis and by the “upper classes” themselves into independent historical action.

Without these objective changes, which are independent of the will, not only of individual groups and parties but even of individual classes, a revolution, as a general rule, is impossible. The totality of all these objective changes is called a revolutionary situation". (Lenin, The Collapse of the Second International, 1915)

Leninism-Stalinism see the notions of "political crisis" and "revolutionary crisis" as identical: "On our speech we did not distinguish between political and revolutionary crisis. For us these concepts are identical" (Manuilsky: XI Plenary of the EC of the Communist International, March 1931)

The October Revolution confirmed the following Marxist positions in confrontation with the anti-Marxist treacherous reformists of the old Social Democracy and the new Khrushchevite social-democracy (20th Congress, in February 1956, "peaceful road" etc.) And other opportunistic currents:

a. Violent-Armed Revolution. The overthrow of the dictatorship of the bourgeoisie and the seizure of political power by the proletariat, when in a period of revolutionary situation a proletarian revolution erupts, it can only be achieved by revolutionary violence, an armed struggle which is the highest form of revolutionary class struggle: "the violent overthrow of the bourgeoisie lays the foundation for the sway of the proletariat" (Marx-Engels, Manifest of the Communist Party). The class struggle between the exploiters and the exploited - a key driver of the social development in all class societies - in the era of the proletarian revolution "has always, inevitably, and in every country, assumed the form of civil war" (Lenin, Letter To American Workers, 1918) and "To think that such a revolution can be carried out peacefully, within the framework of bourgeois democracy, which is adapted to the rule of the bourgeoisie, means that one has either gone out of one’s mind and lost normal human understanding, or has grossly and openly repudiated the proletarian revolution." (Stalin, Concerning Questions of Leninism, 1926)

Lenin was underlying that "The necessity of systematically imbuing the masses with this and precisely this view of violent revolution lies at the root of the entire theory of Marx and Engels" (Lenin, The State ad Revolution, 1917) and ironically characterized the opportunists of his times as "mummies, dried and shrunken in the atmosphere of lifeless scholasticism" (Lenin, Materialism and Empiro-criticism) who whine because "The school of civil war does not leave the people unaffected" (Lenin), "the very thought of peacefully subordinating the capitalists to the will of the majority of the exploited, of the peaceful, reformist transition to Socialism is not only extreme philistine stupidity, but also downright deception of the workers, the embellishment of capitalist wage slavery, concealment of the truth." (Lenin, Theses on Fundamental Tasks of The Second Congress Of The Communist International, 1920). .. "Only the forcible overthrow of the bourgeoisie, the confiscation of its property, the destruction of the entire bourgeois state apparatus from top to bottom—parliamentary. judicial, military, bureaucratic, administrative, municipal, etc.—right down to the wholesale deportation or internment of the most dangerous and stubborn exploiters and the institution of strict surveillance over them so as to foil their inevitable attempts to resist and to restore capitalist slavery—only such measures can ensure real submission of the whole class of exploiters." (Lenin, Ibid.)

b. Smashing the bourgeois state. After the victory of the revolution is absolutely necessary to smash down, break the bourgeois state machine (bourgeois army, police, security, courts, bureaucratic hierarchy, etc.) which is "essential for every real people's revolution" (Marx, Letter to Dr Kugelmann Concerning the Paris Commune, 12 April, 1871) which expresses "the principal lesson of Marxism regarding the tasks of the proletariat during a revolution in relation to the state." (Lenin, The State and Revolution, 1917). "The supersession of the bourgeois state by the proletarian state is impossible without a violent revolution." (Lenin, Ibid.) and moreover it is impossible by "improving the state machine" and it is achieved only by "smashing and destroying it" which is "the principal lesson of Marxism regarding the tasks of the proletariat during a revolution in relation to the state." (Lenin, Ibid.) "The law of violent proletarian revolution, the law of smashing of the bourgeois state machine as a preliminary condition for such a revolution, is an inevitable law of the revolutionary movement" (Stalin, The Foundations of Leninism)

The proletarian revolution and the conquest of power by the proletariat is impossible without both the armed struggle and "completely destroy the old state machine and replace it by a new one" and that " the liberation of the oppressed class is impossible not only without a violent revolution, but also without the destruction of the apparatus of state power" (Lenin, The State and Revolution, 1917)

These two Marxist positions were practical implemented in the course of the proletarian revolution of October in Russia, and later repeated in The Programme (1928) of the Communist International:

"The conquest of power by the proletariat does not mean peacefully “capturing” the ready-made bourgeois State machinery by means of a parliamentary majority. The bourgeoisie resorts to every means of violence and terror to safeguard and strengthen its predatory property and its political domination. Like the feudal nobility of the past, the bourgeoisie cannot abandon its historical position to the new class without a desperate and frantic struggle. Hence, the violence of the bourgeoisie can be suppressed only by the stern violence of the proletariat. The conquest of power by the proletariat is the violent overthrow of bourgeois power, the destruction of the capitalist State apparatus (bourgeois armies, police, bureaucratic hierarchy, the judiciary, parliaments, etc.), and the substitution in its place of new organs of proletarian power, to serve primarily as instruments for the suppression of the exploiters." (The Programme of the Communist International. Comintern Sixth Congress, 1928)

The working class can never use the bourgeois state.

The seizure of political power by the proletariat is impossible without the violent-armed revolution and without smashing the bourgeois state machine as claimed by the treacherous counterrevolutionary current international Khrushchevit revisionism (20th Congress of the CPSU, February 1956: aim "to capture a stable parliamentary majority "(!), pp. 41-42, Greek version) and the local representatives of social democratic leaders of "K"KE-SYRIZA who repeat the anti-Marxist positions of the old counter-revolutionary social democracy.

c. Establish Dictatorship of the Proletariat. The working class cannot defend and maintain its political power nor much more to build the socialist-communist society without the establishment of the Dictatorship of the Proletariat.

"The dictatorship of the proletariat cannot arise as the result of the peaceful development of bourgeois society and of bourgeois democracy; it can arise only as the result of the smashing of the bourgeois state machine, the bourgeois army, the bourgeois bureaucratic apparatus, the bourgeois police." (Stalin, The Foundations of Leninism)

From the law of the "uneven economic and political development of capitalism" (Lenin, On the Slogan for a United States of Europe, 1915) and the victory of socialism in "in several or even in one capitalist country alone" yields the Leninist-Stalinist conception of building socialism-communism in a single country: "the victorious proletariat of that country will arise against the rest of the world—the capitalist world—attracting to its cause the oppressed classes of other countries, stirring uprisings in those countries against the capitalists, and in case of need using even armed force against the exploiting classes and their states" (Lenin, Ibid.) which is obviously a position of Lenin himself and not just "of Stalin" as falsely claimed by the counter-revolutionary Trotskyites to attack only Stalin and not Lenin- Stalin (Stalin adopted and defended consistently this position).

Building the socialist-communist society is possible - as demonstrated by the practical construction of socialism-communism in Soviet Union of Lenin-Stalin up to 1953 - only by the existence and maintenance of the Dictatorship of Proletariat till Communism and the corresponding transition period which also extends to Communism: "Between capitalist and communist society lies the period of the revolutionary transformation of the one into the other. Corresponding to this is also a political transition period in which the state can be nothing but the revolutionary dictatorship of the proletariat." (Marx, Critique of the Gotha Programme, 1875) and not to Socialism as falsely claimed by the revisionists who distort Marx-Lenin (22nd Congress of the CPSU, 1961, p. 206, Greek version) and reject Marxism.

"The dictatorship of the proletariat can be exercised only through the Communist Party" (Lenin) and "the dictatorship of the proletariat is one party, the party of the proletariat, the Party of the Communists, which does not and cannot share leadership with other parties" (Stalin, Concerning Questions of Leninism)

The violent coup overthrow of the Dictatorship of the Proletariat in the early 1950s immediately after the death-murder of Joseph Stalin from the traitorous revisionist-social democratic group of Khrushchev-Mikoyan-Brezhnev et. al. interrupted the building of Socialism-Communism in the Soviet Union, yet was the beginning of the gradual restoration of capitalism, which was completed in the mid-1960s.