Despite the desperate efforts of the international bourgeoisie to put an end to the crisis of the capitalist system and in spite of "optimistic" analysis of the bourgeois economists that from months ago pointed the end of it and the beginning of an economic recovery, today we witness a new moment of further deepening of the crisis of the system, initiated at the end of 2008 in the United States which soon caught the largest economies on the planet and whose effects were felt worldwide. The course of development of this phenomenon has created the impression that this had its origin in the financial sector but this is a crisis of overproduction on consumer goods and, as noted in the previous seminar, its cause lies in the contradiction between the social character of production and private appropriation of wealth and goods, which is presented as the fundamental contradiction of the capitalist-imperialist ruling.
In countries like ours, the effect of the international crisis has accelerated a process of destruction of productive forces, capital natives of domestic industries and jobs. Thousands of our compatriots are forced to flee their homes to sell their labor in more developed capitalist countries where are victims of the super exploitation and xenophobic and racist policies
As in the past, the international bourgeoisie seeks to download on the shoulders of workers and people the mechanisms for achieving economic recovery of the system and its businesses. A Living example is the adjustment measures raised by the International Monetary Fund, Central Bank of the European Union and the governments of Greece and Spain that hitting hard to the workers in these countries.
But people do not conciliate with these measures: they fight against these. These days, more particularly, in Europe the working class plays a key role in the resistance and gets mobilized under the flag of “that the crisis should be payed by the capitalists who are the responsible, not the workers." America, Asia and Africa also are a scene of popular fighting against the crisis and its beneficiaries.
Given its size and intensity this is the most serious in the history of capitalism, however the system won´t collapse by itself. Historical experience shows that it has the capacity to recuperate but it is clear that the negative effects of the crisis causes to the people's mistrust in the capitalism grows and generates better conditions for revolutionary work, that the masses understand that there is no other solution in the frame of this decadent system and that the socialism is the alternative to develop and progress of humanity . Without doubt, this crisis is an opportunity to advance the revolutionary forces.
Alongside these developments, in Latin America there is an important process of the political consciousness developing in the peoples who, at various levels, has been able to identify and isolate the exponents and defenders of the rapacious neoliberalism. In the heat of their combat is set a democratic, progressive and left trend that has caused a change in the correlation of social and political forces in the region. Democratic and progressive governments existing here are the result and expression of this new scenario, but its limits are evident, therefore, beyond their speech, their achievements, with one exception, only serve to bolster the dominant system.
Political conditions in Latin America are good for revolution, for it is no coincidence that the bourgeoisie seek various mechanisms to stop the struggle of the masses or to derail their goals. Old theories were refurbished for this purpose and from within the popular movement and outside it (including governments regarded as progressive) has been claimed the urgent need to achieve social changes that should be made by the way of reforms in the institutional framework respecting the democratic mechanisms and channels. Of course, an institutions and democracy conceived and managed by bankers, big industrialists, landowners, ie by the exploiting classes.
Constitutional and pacifist discourse, which speaks of social and national reconciliation seeks that the conscious of the masses will not go to revolutionary levels and tries that these bet on these reforms in the frame of capitalism as a way to solve their woes. The revolutionaries without the power in the workers´ hands understand that reforms do not play a revolutionary role and it is not possible to end the exploitation of man by man and therefore it is not possible social liberation. We fight for material and political reforms as demands of the masses, circumstantially necessary to improve the living conditions of people, but certainly not as a definitive solution to their problems. limit the struggle to reforms is equivalent to trust in capitalism is to make the game to those in power, is to fall into reformism and social-policy instruments of the ruling classes. From the political point of view we fight for reforms as a mechanism to accumulate forces for revolution.
The workers and peoples must overcome the siren songs that speak of peaceful revolutions, citizens revolutions or XXI century socialism are policy approaches that are functional to capitalism, then, do not take measures to affect the cornerstone on which it stands this system: the private ownership of the means of production. We must end, so revolutionary, the power of the bourgeoisie and this implies to conquer power. To do this we appeal to all forms of struggle and work to incorporate all those classes, social strata and sectors affected by capitalism and interested in social revolution.
The development of the struggle of the masses is an important tendency in the political life of Latin American countries. Workers, youth and people in general struggle for social change, pressure to progressive governments to move forward and radicalize its programs, combat-interventionist policy of imperialism, mainly U.S., reject the presence of military bases Yankees and English object to the plundering of natural resources by foreign monopolies, demanding the recognition of national rights of native peoples, etc., actions violently suppressed by the various governments. We note that, as part of the offensive anti-Communist, is ongoing criminalization of popular protest and political and social leaders with the aim of frighten the masses and stop the struggle: Argentina, Chile, Ecuador, Peru, live this process. In other cases, the ruling classes appeal to the action of paramilitary groups and devices that strike and disappear popular leaders and fighters as in Colombia, Honduras, Mexico, Brazil on our continent, Russia or the Philippines and elsewhere.
The bourgeoisie, a social or neoliberal, demonized popular fighter under the designation of terrorist acts, destabilizing or sabotage; who stands against the status quo is decried as a terrorist, in the name of peace denied the right of peoples to revolt under the pretext of rejecting violence, when in fact exercised at any time against the people. .
The native ruling classes and imperialism are responsible for hunger, unemployment, backwardness of nations, foreign dependence, so are our enemies and attack targets of the revolution. To confront and defeat them we need the wide unity of workers and peoples of the Democrats and leftists, revolutionaries and all social and political forces interested in social transformation, to end the dependency. The struggle of social and national liberations also requires an anti-imperialist unity in a great front of peoples, that especially manifest in the fight against all forms of foreign domination in the defense of sovereign rights and principles our countries.
Participants in the XIV International Seminar reiterate our internationalist vocation, we pledge to work for brotherhood and solidarity of peoples, to work to bring them to victory the triumph of the revolution in our respective countries as the best contribution to world revolution.
Converge in this event various political forces that had the possibility to present and discuss openly and frankly our views, very valuable exercise that should be replicated in our respective countries. We have many points to discuss in the future, so we convened at the XV International Seminar on Problems of the Revolution in Latin America to be held in 2011 in this same territory.
Quito, 16 de julio de 2010
Partido Comunista Revolucionario de Argentina
Partido Revolucionario (marxista leninista) (República Argentina)
Partido Comunista Revolucionario (Brasil)
Partido Comunista de Colombia (marxista leninista)
Partido Comunista Marxista Leninista del Ecuador
Movimiento Popular Democrático (Ecuador)
Juventud Revolucionaria del Ecuador
Unión General de Trabajadores del Ecuador
Confederación Ecuatoriana de Mujeres por el Cambio (Ecuador)
Frente Popular (Ecuador)
Frente Democrático Revolucionario Nacional de Filipinas
Comité Continental de Solidaridad con el Pueblo Haitiano
Frente Popular para la Liberación de Haití
Partido Comunista de México (marxista leninista)
Partido Popular Socialista de México
Frente Popular Revolucionario (México)
Partido Marxista Leninista del Perú
Partido Proletario del Perú
Partido Comunista del Trabajo de República Dominicana
Movimiento Independencia Unidad y Cambio (República Dominicana)
Justicia Global (República Dominicana)
Coordinadora Patriótica (República Dominicana)
Partido Comunista (Bolchevique) de la Unión Soviética
Movimiento Manuelita Sáenz (Sucre - Venezuela)
Movimiento Gayones (Venezuela)
Movimiento de Educación para la Emancipación (Venezuela)
Juventud del Consejo Político Obrero (Venezuela)
Centro de Formación e Investigación Prof. Franklin Giménez (Venezuela)
Partido Comunista Marxista Leninista de Venezuela
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