The failed attempted military coup of 15 July, orchestrated
by the so called ‘Gülen Movement’ - the pro-American Islamic organisation that
shared power with the AKP government for 10 years – was called “a gift from
God” by the Turkish President Tayyip Erdoğan.
The crushing of the coup was quickly followed by the
declaration of a state of emergency (OHAL). OHAL enabled the government to take
administrative and political decisions and to introduce regulatory legislation without
the need for judicial and/or parliamentary approval.
Under the leadership of President Erdoğan, the AKP
government issued emergency decrees (KHKs) one after another; leading to
suspension and dismissal of tens of thousands of military and police officers,
judges, prosecutors and civil servants. Almost 40,000 people, including
academics and teachers were also arrested. The number of jailed journalists
rose to a record high of 140. Meanwhile, 37 thousand petty criminals were
released on the account that there was not enough space in prisons. Whereas the
government initially claimed that dismissals and arrests were carried out only against
coup plotters of the Gülen movement; soon it became clear that democrats and
socialists were also targeted. Through only one decree, more than 10 thousand
teachers, all members of Eğitim-Sen (Education and Science Workers Union), were
laid-off. A great majority of them were democrats, socialists and supporters of
Kurdish national movement.
Following the attempted coup, overriding of rights and
freedoms - traditionally deficient in Turkish political democracy - have
increased; bourgeois law is at a standstill and has been replaced by arbitrary
treatments of the executive/government. Replacing legislation with the state of
emergency and rule by emergency decrees, and subordinating the judiciary to the
executive through special courts and appointment of new judges and prosecutors;
Erdoğan and AKP are trying to establish a fascist dictatorship regime of
one-man, one-party.
The government issued unconstitutional and illicit
decrees, while by law it only could issue ones that are constitutional and related
to the events that lead to declaration of state of emergency. With the help of these
decrees targeting the critics of AKP, demonstrations are banned, dissident
newspapers, journals, radio stations and TV channels are shut down; their
property and equipment are confiscated.
The municipalities led by HDP, third biggest party in
the parliament with 40 MPs and representing the Kurdish democratic movement, were
raided by the police and more than 20 mayors arrested. Trustees were appointed to
their posts without a public vote.
Finally, a total of ten HDP MPs - including the party co-chairs
- were jailed. At the same time, 10 executives of the Cumhuriyet newspaper - founded
93 years ago with the establishment of Turkish Republic and politically aligned
in recent years with social democracy - were also arrested.
Publications defending the revolutionary line of the
working class such as Hayatın Sesi TV, Evrensel Kültür (a culture and art
magazine), Özgürlük Dünyası (a journal of political theory), Tiroj (bilingual
Kurdish-Turkish cultural magazine) were among the television stations and
publications closed down by the government.
Unconstitutionally, without breaking his association
with AKP for nearly two years and consolidating all executive power in his
hands, the de-facto president Erdoğan is trying to change the constitution
in line with the aforementioned situation and pushing for a
presidential system.
Furthermore, while insisting on a foreign policy based
on expansionism and sectarian war, intimate with Islamist terrorist groups, the
Erdoğan-led government is taking further steps. Over the last five years, it
has supported radical Islamist gangs in Syria and their organisation, to
overthrow the Esad regime. In a new attempt, Turkey launched a military
operation in Northern Syria at the end of the summer, to back a few thousand
Islamist terrorist militants it put forward initially. The intervention was under
the pretext of fighting against ISIS, but its main target was Syrian Kurds. Turkey,
along with Islamist gangs, controls/invades an area of almost 2000 km2,
stretching from the banks of the Euphrates river to the Kurdish canton of
Afrin, including cities and towns such as Jarablus. Nowadays, the government pursues
the propaganda of conquering al-Bab. However, a spike was put in Turkey’s wheel
due to US support for Syrian Democratic Forces - the backbone of whom is YPG - in
the operation to liberate the “capital” of ISIS, Raqqa; and the support of Russia
for the Esad regime, trying to capture al-Bab because of its strategic
importance as a gate to Aleppo.
The AKP government, while fighting the PYD-YPG in
Syria, is also in conflict with the Iraqi government due to its military
presence in the Iraqi town of Bashiqa; Iraq is demanding the withdrawal of the
Turkish forces. The Turkish Airforce is regularly bombing Northern Iraq,
claiming to attack PKK camps.
In the last year, Syria and Iraq policies of Turkey have
increasingly changed; as well as relations with the Us and the EU cooling, due
to the Turkish belief that they supported the attempted coup of 15 July.
Following the agreement for Turkey to stop the
migration from Syria, Iraq and Afghanistan and the EU to pay Turkey three
billion Euros, as well as give Turkish citizens visa-free travel rights within
the EU, both sides failed to keep their promises and the relationships between
Turkey and the EU are strained. The AKP government is claiming that they’ll
wait two more months before cancelling the agreement and that they’ll go to a
referendum on EU membership due to its criticism of Turkey; EU, citing the
imprisonment of journalists and the like, have started talking about halting
discussions on Turkish membership.
Since its establishment, Turkey had close economical,
trade and financial ties with the West and very strong military ties with the
USA; as such it is undoubtedly very hard for Turkey as a NATO member to change
its ‘axis’ or ‘boss’. Nevertheless, President Erdoğan, having visited Pakistan
recently, has stated “…why not? It will help Turkey feel at ease” on the issue
of membership to the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation.
Besides the policies and steps taken by the AKP
government, the Turkish economy is not going in the right direction either. The
rate of growth has been falling for the last four years, the deficit and
unemployment increasing. According to official figures unemployment is at 11%
but the real figure is higher. The dollar has risen 10% against the Turkish
Lira in the recent days; as if the Turkish lira has devaluated and lost 10% of
its value. The government is cutting the interest rate and increasing available
credit in an attempt to stimulate the economy but stagnation has set in all
sectors - primarily building and textile sectors. A capitalist crisis that is
not limited to, and not necessarily starting in the financial sector is raising
its “head” and this is the soft underbelly of the AKP.
Despite all bans and police oppression, strikes at
workplaces level continue. The powers of the executive are ever increasing; students
are demonstrating against the decision that university rectors will be
appointed by the President. Solicitors and intellectuals are demonstrating to
condemn the imprisonment of their peers. Opponents of AKP are trying to create
new alliances. Unity for Democracy with its components of democratic,
socialist, social-democrat and Kurdish national movements, including our party,
is taking further steps to organise following a series of meetings.
New magazines are published in place of others.
Is the future of Turkey going to be a fascist
dictatorship run by one man? Or the struggle for democracy and freedom will
widen and strengthen to achieve new successes; the dimensions of the struggle
and the level of organisation will determine this. Of course the international
support and solidarity will have a great contribution to the outcome.
Labour Party (EMEP) Turkey
International Bureau
On January 1 1959 the Cuban revolution triumphed. Several years of guerrilla struggle waged in the mountains of the Island, courageous fights of the working class, youth and people developed in the cities culminated in victory. Ninety miles from Yankee imperialism, the Cuban revolutionaries broke with the thesis of "geographic fatalism" according to which, because of the proximity of the United States, It was not possible to make the revolution in Latin America.
