Movement
for the Reorganisation of the Communist Party of Greece 1918-55
OCTOBER
REVOLUTION – Confirmation of Leninist theory of the Proletarian
Revolution
The victorious
outcome of the Proletarian Revolution in October (7 November) 1917 in
Russia - with leading force the revolutionary proletariat in the
alliance of workers-peasants and under the leadership of the
revolutionary Bolshevik Party of LENIN-STALIN - marked the beginning
of a new era in human history: it celebrated the passage from
capitalism-imperialism to socialism and the beginning of the
construction of the new socialist-communist society and confirmed:
First,
the necessity and inevitability of the proletarian revolution and
socialism-communism; that "the class struggle leads to the
communist Revolution" (Marx) and that "the
class struggle necessarily leads to the dictatorship
of the proletariat,
(that this dictatorship itself only constitutes the transition to the
abolition
of all classes and
to a classless
society ."
(Marx, 1852) i.e. the communist society.
Second,
the
inevitable
of
the replacement of capitalism by socialism-communism: "Precisely
as capitalism succeeded feudalism, socialism likewise will inevitably
succeed capitalism".
(Marx)
Third,
it confirmed the correctness of the Marxist theory of revolution and
in particular the Leninist-Stalinist theory of the Proletarian
Revolution.
Marx's
standpoint "from
which the evolution of the economic formation of society is viewed as
a process of natural history"
(The Capital, Vol. 1, Preface to the First German Edition) studying
and analyzing the pre-monopoly capitalism, more precisely "the
capitalist mode of production, and the conditions of production and
exchange corresponding to that mode"
discovered the natural laws of its movement and "working
with iron necessity towards inevitable results"
- revealed "the dirty little secret of capitalist exploitation"
and its fundamental
contradictions,
remarking at the same time 'the temporary nature of the capitalist
system" and its investable succession of Socialism-Communism.
Later, LENIN, during the first 15 years of the 20th century, studied the new
stage of capitalism, monopoly capitalism i.e. imperialism and
discovered, amongst other things,
the
law of Uneven
economic and political development of capitalism: "
Uneven economic and political development is an absolute law of
capitalism" (Lenin,
On the Slogan for a United States of Europe, 1915).
At the same time he expressed the Leninist theory of Proletarian
Revolution, remarking that by this law: "the
victory of socialism is possible first in several or even in one
capitalist country alone"
(Lenin, ibid.) and "The
development of capitalism proceeds extremely unevenly in different
countries. It cannot be otherwise under commodity production. From
this it follows irrefutably that socialism cannot achieve victory
simultaneously in
all countries. It
will achieve victory first in one or several countries, while the
others will for some time remain bourgeois or pre-bourgeois"
(Lenin, The Military Programme of the Proletarian Revolution, 1916)
The
October Revolution took place in exactly in the base of this analysis
and in that way it confirmed the Leninist theory of the Proletarian
Revolution.
cFor
organising and preparing the Proletarian
Revolution - apart from the struggle of the working class to defend
its class interests - for a revolutionary communist movement, the
follow points are generally necessary (as opposed by all
opportunistic currents):
1.
The realisation that the proletariat is the revolutionary class of
the capitalism society, its historical missions and leading role in
the revolution (inside the alliance of working class - poor
peasants):
"the
proletariat alone is a really revolutionary class"
(Marx, Manifesto of the Communist Party).
"It
is to the great historic merit of Marx and Engels that they indicated
to the workers of the world their role, their task, their mission,
namely, to be the first to rise in the revolutionary struggle against
capital and to rally around themselves in this struggle all working
and exploited people"
(Lenin, Unveiling Of A Memorial To Marx And Engels, 1918)
The
proletariat, the gravedigger of capitalism, is not just a depressed
and exploited class, but first of all the
most revolutionary class
of the capitalist society whose mission is the overthrow of the
capitalism: "The
chief thing in the doctrine of Marx is that it brings out the
historic role of the proletariat as the builder of socialist
society."
(Lenin, The Historical Destiny of the Doctrine of Karl Marx, 1913).
Since then the working class has inscribed "on
their banner the revolutionary
watchword: “Abolition
of the wages system!""
(Marx, Value Price and Profit)
2.
Recognizing
the existence and necessity of a mass revolutionary Party of new
type
mouthpiece, organizer and leader of the proletarian struggle.
3.
Recognizing
the leading role of the Communist Party in the revolution as the
organizer and leader.
But
nevertheless the revolution in Russia in October 1917, would be
impossible without a revolutionary situation in that historic period,
as noted by Lenin for revolution in general: "a
revolution is impossible without a revolutionary situation;
furthermore, it is not every revolutionary situation that leads to
revolution. What, generally speaking, are the symptoms of a
revolutionary situation? We shall certainly not be mistaken if we
indicate the following three major symptoms: (1) when it is
impossible for the ruling classes to maintain their rule without any
change; when there is a crisis, in one form or another, among the
“upper classes”, a crisis in the policy of the ruling class,
leading to a fissure through which the discontent and indignation of
the oppressed classes burst forth. For a revolution to take place, it
is usually insufficient for “the lower classes not to want” to
live in the old way; it is also necessary that “the upper
classes should be unable” to live in the old way; (2) when the
suffering and want of the oppressed classes have grown more acute
than usual; (3) when, as a consequence of the above causes, there is
a considerable increase in the activity of the masses, who
uncomplainingly allow themselves to be robbed in “peace time”,
but, in turbulent times, are drawn both by all the circumstances of
the crisis and
by the “upper classes” themselves
into independent historical action.
Without
these objective changes, which are independent of the will, not only
of individual groups and parties but even of individual classes, a
revolution, as a general rule, is impossible. The totality of all
these objective changes is called a revolutionary situation".
(Lenin, The Collapse of the Second International, 1915)
Leninism-Stalinism
see the notions of "political crisis" and "revolutionary
crisis" as identical: "On our speech we did not distinguish
between political and revolutionary crisis. For us these concepts are
identical" (Manuilsky: XI Plenary of the EC of the Communist
International, March 1931)
The
October Revolution confirmed the following Marxist positions in
confrontation with the anti-Marxist treacherous reformists of the old
Social Democracy and the new Khrushchevite social-democracy (20th
Congress, in February 1956, "peaceful road" etc.) And other
opportunistic currents:
a.
Violent-Armed
Revolution.
The overthrow of the dictatorship of the bourgeoisie and the seizure
of political power by the proletariat, when in a period of
revolutionary situation a proletarian revolution erupts, it can only
be achieved by revolutionary violence, an armed struggle which is the
highest form of revolutionary class struggle: "the
violent overthrow of the bourgeoisie lays the foundation for the sway
of the proletariat"
(Marx-Engels, Manifest of the Communist Party). The class
struggle
between the exploiters and the exploited - a key driver of the social
development in all class societies - in the era of the proletarian
revolution "has
always, inevitably, and in every country, assumed the form of civil
war"
(Lenin,
Letter
To American Workers, 1918) and "To
think that such a revolution can be carried out peacefully, within
the framework of bourgeois democracy, which is adapted to the rule of
the bourgeoisie, means that one has either gone out of one’s mind
and lost normal human understanding, or has grossly and openly
repudiated the proletarian revolution."
(Stalin, Concerning Questions of Leninism, 1926)
Lenin
was underlying that "The
necessity of systematically imbuing the masses with this and
precisely this view of violent revolution lies at the root of the
entire theory of Marx and Engels"
(Lenin, The State ad Revolution, 1917) and ironically characterized
the opportunists of his times as "mummies, dried and shrunken in
the atmosphere of lifeless scholasticism" (Lenin, Materialism
and Empiro-criticism) who whine because "The
school of civil war does not leave the people unaffected"
(Lenin),
"the very thought of peacefully subordinating the capitalists to
the will of the majority of the exploited, of the peaceful, reformist
transition to Socialism is not only extreme philistine stupidity, but
also downright deception of the workers, the embellishment of
capitalist wage slavery, concealment of the truth."
(Lenin, Theses on Fundamental Tasks of The Second Congress Of The
Communist International, 1920). .. "Only
the forcible overthrow of the bourgeoisie, the confiscation of its
property, the destruction of the entire bourgeois state apparatus
from top to bottom—parliamentary. judicial, military, bureaucratic,
administrative, municipal, etc.—right down to the wholesale
deportation or internment of the most dangerous and stubborn
exploiters and the institution of strict surveillance over them so as
to foil their inevitable attempts to resist and to restore capitalist
slavery—only such measures can ensure real submission of the whole
class of exploiters."
(Lenin, Ibid.)
b.
Smashing the bourgeois state. After
the victory of the revolution is absolutely necessary to smash down,
break the bourgeois state machine (bourgeois army, police, security,
courts, bureaucratic hierarchy, etc.) which is "essential for
every real people's revolution" (Marx, Letter to Dr Kugelmann
Concerning the Paris Commune, 12 April, 1871) which expresses "the
principal lesson of Marxism regarding the tasks of the proletariat
during a revolution in relation to the state."
(Lenin, The State and Revolution, 1917). "The
supersession of the bourgeois state by the proletarian state is
impossible without a violent revolution."
(Lenin, Ibid.) and moreover it is impossible by "improving
the state machine"
and it is achieved only by "smashing and destroying it"
which is "the
principal lesson of Marxism regarding the tasks of the proletariat
during a revolution in relation to the state."
(Lenin, Ibid.) "The
law of violent proletarian revolution, the law of smashing of the
bourgeois state machine as a preliminary condition for such a
revolution, is an inevitable law of the revolutionary movement"
(Stalin, The Foundations of Leninism)
The
proletarian revolution and the conquest of power by the proletariat
is impossible without both the armed struggle and "completely
destroy the old state machine and replace it by a new one"
and that " the
liberation of the oppressed class is
impossible
not only without a violent revolution, but also without the
destruction of the apparatus of state power" (Lenin, The State
and Revolution, 1917)
These
two Marxist positions were practical implemented in the course of the
proletarian revolution of October in Russia, and later repeated in
The Programme (1928) of the Communist International:
"The
conquest of power by the proletariat does not mean peacefully
“capturing” the ready-made bourgeois State machinery by means of
a parliamentary majority. The bourgeoisie resorts to every means of
violence and terror to safeguard and strengthen its predatory
property and its political domination. Like the feudal nobility of
the past, the bourgeoisie cannot abandon its historical position to
the new class without a desperate and frantic struggle. Hence, the
violence of the bourgeoisie can be suppressed only by the stern
violence of the proletariat. The conquest of power by the proletariat
is the violent overthrow of bourgeois power, the destruction of the
capitalist State apparatus (bourgeois armies, police, bureaucratic
hierarchy, the judiciary, parliaments, etc.), and the substitution in
its place of new organs of proletarian power, to serve primarily as
instruments for the suppression of the exploiters."
(The Programme of the Communist International. Comintern Sixth
Congress, 1928)
The
working class can never
use the bourgeois state.
The
seizure of political power by the proletariat is impossible without
the violent-armed revolution and without smashing the bourgeois state
machine as claimed by the treacherous counterrevolutionary current
international Khrushchevit revisionism (20th Congress of the CPSU,
February 1956: aim "to capture a stable parliamentary majority
"(!), pp. 41-42, Greek version) and the local representatives
of social democratic leaders of "K"KE-SYRIZA who repeat the
anti-Marxist positions of the old counter-revolutionary social
democracy.
c.
Establish Dictatorship of the Proletariat.
The working class cannot defend and maintain its political power nor
much more to build the socialist-communist society without the
establishment of the Dictatorship of the Proletariat.
"The
dictatorship of the proletariat cannot arise as the result of the
peaceful development of bourgeois society and of bourgeois democracy;
it can arise only as the result of the smashing of the bourgeois
state machine, the bourgeois army, the bourgeois bureaucratic
apparatus, the bourgeois police."
(Stalin,
The
Foundations
of
Leninism)
From
the law of the "uneven
economic and political development of capitalism"
(Lenin, On the Slogan for a United States of Europe, 1915) and the
victory of socialism in "in
several or even in one capitalist country alone"
yields the Leninist-Stalinist
conception
of building socialism-communism in a single country: "the
victorious proletariat of that country will arise against the rest of
the world—the capitalist world—attracting to its cause the
oppressed classes of other countries, stirring uprisings in those
countries against the capitalists, and in case of need using even
armed force against the exploiting classes and their states"
(Lenin, Ibid.) which is obviously a position of Lenin himself and not
just "of Stalin" as falsely claimed by the
counter-revolutionary Trotskyites to attack only Stalin and not
Lenin- Stalin (Stalin adopted
and
defended
consistently this position).
Building
the socialist-communist society is possible - as demonstrated by the
practical construction of socialism-communism in Soviet Union of
Lenin-Stalin up to 1953 - only by the existence and maintenance of
the Dictatorship of Proletariat till Communism and the corresponding
transition
period
which also extends to Communism:
"Between
capitalist and communist society lies the period of the revolutionary
transformation of the one into the other. Corresponding to this is
also a political transition period in which the state can be nothing
but the revolutionary dictatorship of the proletariat."
(Marx, Critique of the Gotha Programme, 1875) and not to Socialism as
falsely claimed by the revisionists who distort Marx-Lenin (22nd
Congress of the CPSU, 1961, p. 206, Greek version) and reject
Marxism.
"The
dictatorship of the proletariat can be exercised only through the
Communist Party"
(Lenin) and "the
dictatorship of the proletariat is one party, the party of the
proletariat, the Party of the Communists, which does not and cannot
share leadership with other parties"
(Stalin, Concerning Questions of Leninism)
The
violent coup overthrow of the Dictatorship of the Proletariat in the
early 1950s immediately after the death-murder of Joseph Stalin from
the traitorous revisionist-social democratic group of
Khrushchev-Mikoyan-Brezhnev et. al. interrupted the building of
Socialism-Communism in the Soviet Union, yet was the beginning of the
gradual restoration of capitalism, which was completed in the
mid-1960s.
In its endeavour to create a political regime defined by a one-man state characterised by oppression, violence and prohibition, the AKP Government has been responsible for all sorts of lawlessness. Including the arrest of politicians, elected officials, journalists and defenders of human rights; the closure of newspapers, magazines, television channels and radio channels; and the prohibition of strikes and protests…
