Saturday, August 05, 2017

EMEP: This lawlessness will be tried in the public conscience

In its endeavour to create a political regime defined by a one-man state characterised by oppression, violence and prohibition, the AKP Government has been responsible for all sorts of lawlessness. Including the arrest of politicians, elected officials, journalists and defenders of human rights; the closure of newspapers, magazines, television channels and radio channels; and the prohibition of strikes and protests…
Our party member, media adviser and Evrensel Writer Yusuf Karataş has been arrested as part of the investigation into the Democratic Society Congress (DTK) in Diyarbakır. The allegations brought against Karataş are without basis.
The DTK which was formed in 2007 was at the time invited to various government meetings and was consulted in relation to the resolution of the Kurdish issue. At times local AKP MPs also attended the meetings of the DTK but today – a decade later – as a result of the current political climate it has become defined as an illegal organisation. It is within the context of these activities that our member Yusuf Karataş has been arrested and accused. The prosecutor includes Yusuf Karataş’s participation in the Mesopotamia Seasonal Agricultural Workers Assembly (which was formed to protect the rights of agricultural workers) as illegal activity. The prosecutor also refers to his participation in the protest against the Roboski Massacre as well as the protest on the Supreme Election Council’s decision to veto independent MP candidates.
The accusations brought against Yusuf Karataş are part of the farcical proceedings that have been taking place recently. It has become the norm for political cases to be brought which take no account of legal criteria. Yusuf Karataş and the many others who are being tried in the same proceedings have simply been caught in this net. However, the situation cannot continue like this. A system which is led by illegality and a judicial system that disregards all rules and proceedings cannot survive for long. Because tyranny cannot continue forever.
These proceedings too will be judged by history and are being tried in the conscience of the public.
We will not accept this illegal process against our party member Yusuf Karataş. We will continue to struggle against all illegality, arbitrary arrests and attempts to criminalise innocent people.
General President
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Friday, June 30, 2017

ICMLPO: Resolution on Turkey

Resolution on Turkey:

For the annullment of government decrees and an end to the state of emergency

In Turkey, the state of emergency declared by the Erdogan regime following the coup attempt last year is still in full force under the pretext of “the fight against the coup plotters”. Government decrees issued so far have made clear that this “fight” was not limited to the coup plotters, but rather, since Erdogan called it a “god sent opportunity”, the state of emergency is being used to realize a counter-coup against the progressive, democratic and revolutionary forces of the country. It is obvious that Erdogan regime wants to normalize the state of emergency or keep it at least until the presidential regime is fully established, as it gives thim freedom from accountability, to legitimise his arbitrary actions.

As European members of the ICMLPO, we demand the annulment of the government decrees issued as part of the state of emergency, which caused the dismissal of five thousand university lecturers and hundreds of thousands of people, the arrest of tens of thousands of people and the closing of dozens of newspapers, journals, TV channels and radio stations. We declare solidarity with the struggles of the democratic forces of Turkey who demand an end to the state of emergency, and engage ourselves in campaigns to achieve this.

Workers Communist Party of Denmark – APK
Workers Communist Party of France – PCOF
Organization for the construction of the Communist Workers’ Party of Germany (Arbeit Zukunft)
Movement for the reorganization of the Communist Party of Greece (KKE 1918-1955)
Communist Platform - for the Communist Party of the Proletariat of Italy
Communist Party of Spain (marxist-leninist) – PCE (ml)
Party of Labour - EMEP (Turkey)

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Sunday, April 09, 2017

Statement of the Party of Labour of Iran (Toufan) on criminal aggression against Syria

We condemn the attack on Syria in the strongest terms!

Finally, after several days of false propaganda of western imperialist’s media about the use of "chemical weapons” by the Syrian regime and shedding crocodile tears for "innocent children of t Syria" the U.S launched an air strike against Alshariat airfield. As a comment to the attack, the Zionist criminal Benjamin Netanyahu, the Israeli prime minister, said "Donald Trump both in word and in action sent a clear message to the effect that the use of chemical weapons will not be tolerated.". Netanyahu defended the aggression against Syria, saying "Israel hopes that the message indicates a firm determination to face the horrific actions of the Assad regime, not only in Damascus but also in Tehran, Pyongyang ( North Korean capital), and other places to be heard."
Interference of U.S. imperialism and the Zionist intelligence services and media in Syria has taken very direct, vicious, and barbaric form, bullying and hypocrisy and deception covers it. Vampires have become humanitarians overnight, and their teeth are sharpend for sucking the blood of the Syrian people....................

Our party strongly condemns the military attack against Syria and considers it as a flagrant violation of the rights of nations and the territorial integrity of Syria. We call upon every progressive organization and individual to expose and condemn the conspiracies that are plotted against the people of Syria.

Party of Labour of Iran (Toufan)
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Saturday, April 08, 2017

OCTOBER REVOLUTION – Confirmation of Leninist theory of the Proletarian Revolution

Movement for the Reorganisation of the Communist Party of Greece 1918-55
OCTOBER REVOLUTION – Confirmation of Leninist theory of the Proletarian Revolution
The victorious outcome of the Proletarian Revolution in October (7 November) 1917 in Russia - with leading force the revolutionary proletariat in the alliance of workers-peasants and under the leadership of the revolutionary Bolshevik Party of LENIN-STALIN - marked the beginning of a new era in human history: it celebrated the passage from capitalism-imperialism to socialism and the beginning of the construction of the new socialist-communist society and confirmed:

First, the necessity and inevitability of the proletarian revolution and socialism-communism; that "the class struggle leads to the communist Revolution" (Marx) and that "the class struggle necessarily leads to the dictatorship of the proletariat, (that this dictatorship itself only constitutes the transition to the abolition of all classes and to a classless society ." (Marx, 1852) i.e. the communist society.

Second, the inevitable of the replacement of capitalism by socialism-communism: "Precisely as capitalism succeeded feudalism, socialism likewise will inevitably succeed capitalism". (Marx)

Third, it confirmed the correctness of the Marxist theory of revolution and in particular the Leninist-Stalinist theory of the Proletarian Revolution.

Marx's standpoint "from which the evolution of the economic formation of society is viewed as a process of natural history" (The Capital, Vol. 1, Preface to the First German Edition) studying and analyzing the pre-monopoly capitalism, more precisely "the capitalist mode of production, and the conditions of production and exchange corresponding to that mode" discovered the natural laws of its movement and "working with iron necessity towards inevitable results" - revealed "the dirty little secret of capitalist exploitation" and its fundamental contradictions, remarking at the same time 'the temporary nature of the capitalist system" and its investable succession of Socialism-Communism.
Later, LENIN, during the first 15 years of the 20th century, studied the new stage of capitalism, monopoly capitalism i.e. imperialism and discovered, amongst other things, the law of Uneven economic and political development of capitalism: " Uneven economic and political development is an absolute law of capitalism" (Lenin, On the Slogan for a United States of Europe, 1915). At the same time he expressed the Leninist theory of Proletarian Revolution, remarking that by this law: "the victory of socialism is possible first in several or even in one capitalist country alone" (Lenin, ibid.) and "The development of capitalism proceeds extremely unevenly in different countries. It cannot be otherwise under commodity production. From this it follows irrefutably that socialism cannot achieve victory simultaneously in all countries. It will achieve victory first in one or several countries, while the others will for some time remain bourgeois or pre-bourgeois" (Lenin, The Military Programme of the Proletarian Revolution, 1916)

The October Revolution took place in exactly in the base of this analysis and in that way it confirmed the Leninist theory of the Proletarian Revolution.

cFor organising and preparing the Proletarian Revolution - apart from the struggle of the working class to defend its class interests - for a revolutionary communist movement, the follow points are generally necessary (as opposed by all opportunistic currents):

1. The realisation that the proletariat is the revolutionary class of the capitalism society, its historical missions and leading role in the revolution (inside the alliance of working class - poor peasants): "the proletariat alone is a really revolutionary class" (Marx, Manifesto of the Communist Party). "It is to the great historic merit of Marx and Engels that they indicated to the workers of the world their role, their task, their mission, namely, to be the first to rise in the revolutionary struggle against capital and to rally around themselves in this struggle all working and exploited people" (Lenin, Unveiling Of A Memorial To Marx And Engels, 1918)

The proletariat, the gravedigger of capitalism, is not just a depressed and exploited class, but first of all the most revolutionary class of the capitalist society whose mission is the overthrow of the capitalism: "The chief thing in the doctrine of Marx is that it brings out the historic role of the proletariat as the builder of socialist society." (Lenin, The Historical Destiny of the Doctrine of Karl Marx, 1913). Since then the working class has inscribed "on their banner the revolutionary watchword: “Abolition of the wages system!"" (Marx, Value Price and Profit)

2. Recognizing the existence and necessity of a mass revolutionary Party of new type mouthpiece, organizer and leader of the proletarian struggle.

3. Recognizing the leading role of the Communist Party in the revolution as the organizer and leader.

But nevertheless the revolution in Russia in October 1917, would be impossible without a revolutionary situation in that historic period, as noted by Lenin for revolution in general: "a revolution is impossible without a revolutionary situation; furthermore, it is not every revolutionary situation that leads to revolution. What, generally speaking, are the symptoms of a revolutionary situation? We shall certainly not be mistaken if we indicate the following three major symptoms: (1) when it is impossible for the ruling classes to maintain their rule without any change; when there is a crisis, in one form or another, among the “upper classes”, a crisis in the policy of the ruling class, leading to a fissure through which the discontent and indignation of the oppressed classes burst forth. For a revolution to take place, it is usually insufficient for “the lower classes not to want” to live in the old   way; it is also necessary that “the upper classes should be unable” to live in the old way; (2) when the suffering and want of the oppressed classes have grown more acute than usual; (3) when, as a consequence of the above causes, there is a considerable increase in the activity of the masses, who uncomplainingly allow themselves to be robbed in “peace time”, but, in turbulent times, are drawn both by all the circumstances of the crisis and by the “upper classes” themselves into independent historical action.
Without these objective changes, which are independent of the will, not only of individual groups and parties but even of individual classes, a revolution, as a general rule, is impossible. The totality of all these objective changes is called a revolutionary situation". (Lenin, The Collapse of the Second International, 1915)
Leninism-Stalinism see the notions of "political crisis" and "revolutionary crisis" as identical: "On our speech we did not distinguish between political and revolutionary crisis. For us these concepts are identical" (Manuilsky: XI Plenary of the EC of the Communist International, March 1931)

The October Revolution confirmed the following Marxist positions in confrontation with the anti-Marxist treacherous reformists of the old Social Democracy and the new Khrushchevite social-democracy (20th Congress, in February 1956, "peaceful road" etc.) And other opportunistic currents:

a. Violent-Armed Revolution. The overthrow of the dictatorship of the bourgeoisie and the seizure of political power by the proletariat, when in a period of revolutionary situation a proletarian revolution erupts, it can only be achieved by revolutionary violence, an armed struggle which is the highest form of revolutionary class struggle: "the violent overthrow of the bourgeoisie lays the foundation for the sway of the proletariat" (Marx-Engels, Manifest of the Communist Party). The class struggle between the exploiters and the exploited - a key driver of the social development in all class societies - in the era of the proletarian revolution "has always, inevitably, and in every country, assumed the form of civil war" (Lenin, Letter To American Workers, 1918) and "To think that such a revolution can be carried out peacefully, within the framework of bourgeois democracy, which is adapted to the rule of the bourgeoisie, means that one has either gone out of one’s mind and lost normal human understanding, or has grossly and openly repudiated the proletarian revolution." (Stalin, Concerning Questions of Leninism, 1926)

Lenin was underlying that "The necessity of systematically imbuing the masses with this and precisely this view of violent revolution lies at the root of the entire theory of Marx and Engels" (Lenin, The State ad Revolution, 1917) and ironically characterized the opportunists of his times as "mummies, dried and shrunken in the atmosphere of lifeless scholasticism" (Lenin, Materialism and Empiro-criticism) who whine because "The school of civil war does not leave the people unaffected" (Lenin), "the very thought of peacefully subordinating the capitalists to the will of the majority of the exploited, of the peaceful, reformist transition to Socialism is not only extreme philistine stupidity, but also downright deception of the workers, the embellishment of capitalist wage slavery, concealment of the truth." (Lenin, Theses on Fundamental Tasks of The Second Congress Of The Communist International, 1920). .. "Only the forcible overthrow of the bourgeoisie, the confiscation of its property, the destruction of the entire bourgeois state apparatus from top to bottom—parliamentary. judicial, military, bureaucratic, administrative, municipal, etc.—right down to the wholesale deportation or internment of the most dangerous and stubborn exploiters and the institution of strict surveillance over them so as to foil their inevitable attempts to resist and to restore capitalist slavery—only such measures can ensure real submission of the whole class of exploiters." (Lenin, Ibid.)

b. Smashing the bourgeois state. After the victory of the revolution is absolutely necessary to smash down, break the bourgeois state machine (bourgeois army, police, security, courts, bureaucratic hierarchy, etc.) which is "essential for every real people's revolution" (Marx, Letter to Dr Kugelmann Concerning the Paris Commune, 12 April, 1871) which expresses "the principal lesson of Marxism regarding the tasks of the proletariat during a revolution in relation to the state." (Lenin, The State and Revolution, 1917). "The supersession of the bourgeois state by the proletarian state is impossible without a violent revolution." (Lenin, Ibid.) and moreover it is impossible by "improving the state machine" and it is achieved only by "smashing and destroying it" which is "the principal lesson of Marxism regarding the tasks of the proletariat during a revolution in relation to the state." (Lenin, Ibid.) "The law of violent proletarian revolution, the law of smashing of the bourgeois state machine as a preliminary condition for such a revolution, is an inevitable law of the revolutionary movement" (Stalin, The Foundations of Leninism)

The proletarian revolution and the conquest of power by the proletariat is impossible without both the armed struggle and "completely destroy the old state machine and replace it by a new one" and that " the liberation of the oppressed class is impossible not only without a violent revolution, but also without the destruction of the apparatus of state power" (Lenin, The State and Revolution, 1917)

These two Marxist positions were practical implemented in the course of the proletarian revolution of October in Russia, and later repeated in The Programme (1928) of the Communist International:

"The conquest of power by the proletariat does not mean peacefully “capturing” the ready-made bourgeois State machinery by means of a parliamentary majority. The bourgeoisie resorts to every means of violence and terror to safeguard and strengthen its predatory property and its political domination. Like the feudal nobility of the past, the bourgeoisie cannot abandon its historical position to the new class without a desperate and frantic struggle. Hence, the violence of the bourgeoisie can be suppressed only by the stern violence of the proletariat. The conquest of power by the proletariat is the violent overthrow of bourgeois power, the destruction of the capitalist State apparatus (bourgeois armies, police, bureaucratic hierarchy, the judiciary, parliaments, etc.), and the substitution in its place of new organs of proletarian power, to serve primarily as instruments for the suppression of the exploiters." (The Programme of the Communist International. Comintern Sixth Congress, 1928)

The working class can never use the bourgeois state.

The seizure of political power by the proletariat is impossible without the violent-armed revolution and without smashing the bourgeois state machine as claimed by the treacherous counterrevolutionary current international Khrushchevit revisionism (20th Congress of the CPSU, February 1956: aim "to capture a stable parliamentary majority "(!), pp. 41-42, Greek version) and the local representatives of social democratic leaders of "K"KE-SYRIZA who repeat the anti-Marxist positions of the old counter-revolutionary social democracy.

c. Establish Dictatorship of the Proletariat. The working class cannot defend and maintain its political power nor much more to build the socialist-communist society without the establishment of the Dictatorship of the Proletariat.

"The dictatorship of the proletariat cannot arise as the result of the peaceful development of bourgeois society and of bourgeois democracy; it can arise only as the result of the smashing of the bourgeois state machine, the bourgeois army, the bourgeois bureaucratic apparatus, the bourgeois police." (Stalin, The Foundations of Leninism)

From the law of the "uneven economic and political development of capitalism" (Lenin, On the Slogan for a United States of Europe, 1915) and the victory of socialism in "in several or even in one capitalist country alone" yields the Leninist-Stalinist conception of building socialism-communism in a single country: "the victorious proletariat of that country will arise against the rest of the world—the capitalist world—attracting to its cause the oppressed classes of other countries, stirring uprisings in those countries against the capitalists, and in case of need using even armed force against the exploiting classes and their states" (Lenin, Ibid.) which is obviously a position of Lenin himself and not just "of Stalin" as falsely claimed by the counter-revolutionary Trotskyites to attack only Stalin and not Lenin- Stalin (Stalin adopted and defended consistently this position).

Building the socialist-communist society is possible - as demonstrated by the practical construction of socialism-communism in Soviet Union of Lenin-Stalin up to 1953 - only by the existence and maintenance of the Dictatorship of Proletariat till Communism and the corresponding transition period which also extends to Communism: "Between capitalist and communist society lies the period of the revolutionary transformation of the one into the other. Corresponding to this is also a political transition period in which the state can be nothing but the revolutionary dictatorship of the proletariat." (Marx, Critique of the Gotha Programme, 1875) and not to Socialism as falsely claimed by the revisionists who distort Marx-Lenin (22nd Congress of the CPSU, 1961, p. 206, Greek version) and reject Marxism.

"The dictatorship of the proletariat can be exercised only through the Communist Party" (Lenin) and "the dictatorship of the proletariat is one party, the party of the proletariat, the Party of the Communists, which does not and cannot share leadership with other parties" (Stalin, Concerning Questions of Leninism)

The violent coup overthrow of the Dictatorship of the Proletariat in the early 1950s immediately after the death-murder of Joseph Stalin from the traitorous revisionist-social democratic group of Khrushchev-Mikoyan-Brezhnev et. al. interrupted the building of Socialism-Communism in the Soviet Union, yet was the beginning of the gradual restoration of capitalism, which was completed in the mid-1960s.
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Tuesday, November 29, 2016

ICMLPO: Communiqué on the Death of Fidel Castro

On January 1 1959 the Cuban revolution triumphed. Several years of guerrilla struggle waged in the mountains of the Island, courageous fights of the working class, youth and people developed in the cities culminated in victory. Ninety miles from Yankee imperialism, the Cuban revolutionaries broke with the thesis of "geographic fatalism" according to which, because of the proximity of the United States, It was not possible to make the revolution in Latin America.
The achievements of the Revolution, the agrarian reform, the nationalization of all the US enterprises, the eradication of illiteracy, the health care and education involved the working masses and the youth; these awakened the solidarity of the workers and peoples of the world, especially of Latin America. They pointed the way to the armed revolutionary struggle. But they also unleashed the hatred of international reaction, the war-like actions of the United States, the invasion of Playa Giron {Bay of Pigs] and hundreds of terrorist actions, the trade embargo, which failed, over almost sixty years, due to the heroic resistance of the Cuban people and revolutionaries.
The heroic deeds of the workers and peasants, of the Cuban youth was able to develop and led to victory with the defeat of the tyranny and the establishment of people’s power. It succeeded in promoting the achievements, social and economic transformations and resisting and overcoming all sorts of attacks by imperialism and reaction. All this was possible due to the formation and forging of a revolutionary party, the July 26th Movement, which was able to adopt correct and timely guidelines, which was able to lead the social and political forces to struggle and victory. Among the members of the revolutionary command were many political and military leaders, Camilo Cienfuegos, Che, Frank Pais, Raul Castro. Among all of them, Comandante FIDEL CASTRO stood out as the leader, who participated actively and directly from the first combats, playing the role of organizer, strategist, popular leader and head of state.
Social revolutions are the work of the masses, but they could not be possible without the guidance of the revolutionary leaders who arise in the heat of combat but who achieve dimensions that determine the course and development of the processes.
The workers and peasants, youth, revolutionaries, the "July 26" Movement, the revolutionary commanders and Comandante Fidel Castro led a popular revolution that took place in a small country that confronted the strongest power on the planet and was able to resist.
Fidel Castro died fulfilling his duties and responsibilities. His words and deeds throughout his long life as a combatant will endure, they constitute the testimony of the courage and tenacity of a people, they express the convictions and commitment of a revolutionary.
The Marxist Leninist Parties and Organizations integrated in the ICMLPO express their communist sentiments to the working class, the people and the Cuban revolutionaries.
November 2016
Coordinating Committee of the International Conference of Marxist-Leninist Parties and Organizations, ICMLPO
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Step by Step; Moving Towards a Dictatorship

Labour Party (EMEP), Turkey

The failed attempted military coup of 15 July, orchestrated by the so called ‘Gülen Movement’ - the pro-American Islamic organisation that shared power with the AKP government for 10 years – was called “a gift from God” by the Turkish President Tayyip Erdoğan.
The crushing of the coup was quickly followed by the declaration of a state of emergency (OHAL). OHAL enabled the government to take administrative and political decisions and to introduce regulatory legislation without the need for judicial and/or parliamentary approval. 
Under the leadership of President Erdoğan, the AKP government issued emergency decrees (KHKs) one after another; leading to suspension and dismissal of tens of thousands of military and police officers, judges, prosecutors and civil servants. Almost 40,000 people, including academics and teachers were also arrested. The number of jailed journalists rose to a record high of 140. Meanwhile, 37 thousand petty criminals were released on the account that there was not enough space in prisons. Whereas the government initially claimed that dismissals and arrests were carried out only against coup plotters of the Gülen movement; soon it became clear that democrats and socialists were also targeted. Through only one decree, more than 10 thousand teachers, all members of Eğitim-Sen (Education and Science Workers Union), were laid-off. A great majority of them were democrats, socialists and supporters of Kurdish national movement.
Following the attempted coup, overriding of rights and freedoms - traditionally deficient in Turkish political democracy - have increased; bourgeois law is at a standstill and has been replaced by arbitrary treatments of the executive/government. Replacing legislation with the state of emergency and rule by emergency decrees, and subordinating the judiciary to the executive through special courts and appointment of new judges and prosecutors; Erdoğan and AKP are trying to establish a fascist dictatorship regime of one-man, one-party.
The government issued unconstitutional and illicit decrees, while by law it only could issue ones that are constitutional and related to the events that lead to declaration of state of emergency. With the help of these decrees targeting the critics of AKP, demonstrations are banned, dissident newspapers, journals, radio stations and TV channels are shut down; their property and equipment are confiscated.
The municipalities led by HDP, third biggest party in the parliament with 40 MPs and representing the Kurdish democratic movement, were raided by the police and more than 20 mayors arrested. Trustees were appointed to their posts without a public vote.
Finally, a total of ten HDP MPs - including the party co-chairs - were jailed. At the same time, 10 executives of the Cumhuriyet newspaper - founded 93 years ago with the establishment of Turkish Republic and politically aligned in recent years with social democracy - were also arrested.
Publications defending the revolutionary line of the working class­ such as Hayatın Sesi TV, Evrensel Kültür (a culture and art magazine), Özgürlük Dünyası (a journal of political theory), Tiroj (bilingual Kurdish-Turkish cultural magazine) were among the television stations and publications closed down by the government.
Unconstitutionally, without breaking his association with AKP for nearly two years and consolidating all executive power in his hands, the de-facto president Erdoğan is trying to change the constitution in line with the aforementioned situation and pushing for a presidential system.
Furthermore, while insisting on a foreign policy based on expansionism and sectarian war, intimate with Islamist terrorist groups, the Erdoğan-led government is taking further steps. Over the last five years, it has supported radical Islamist gangs in Syria and their organisation, to overthrow the Esad regime. In a new attempt, Turkey launched a military operation in Northern Syria at the end of the summer, to back a few thousand Islamist terrorist militants it put forward initially. The intervention was under the pretext of fighting against ISIS, but its main target was Syrian Kurds. Turkey, along with Islamist gangs, controls/invades an area of almost 2000 km2, stretching from the banks of the Euphrates river to the Kurdish canton of Afrin, including cities and towns such as Jarablus. Nowadays, the government pursues the propaganda of conquering al-Bab. However, a spike was put in Turkey’s wheel due to US support for Syrian Democratic Forces - the backbone of whom is YPG - in the operation to liberate the “capital” of ISIS, Raqqa; and the support of Russia for the Esad regime, trying to capture al-Bab because of its strategic importance as a gate to Aleppo.
The AKP government, while fighting the PYD-YPG in Syria, is also in conflict with the Iraqi government due to its military presence in the Iraqi town of Bashiqa; Iraq is demanding the withdrawal of the Turkish forces. The Turkish Airforce is regularly bombing Northern Iraq, claiming to attack PKK camps.
In the last year, Syria and Iraq policies of Turkey have increasingly changed; as well as relations with the Us and the EU cooling, due to the Turkish belief that they supported the attempted coup of 15 July.
Following the agreement for Turkey to stop the migration from Syria, Iraq and Afghanistan and the EU to pay Turkey three billion Euros, as well as give Turkish citizens visa-free travel rights within the EU, both sides failed to keep their promises and the relationships between Turkey and the EU are strained. The AKP government is claiming that they’ll wait two more months before cancelling the agreement and that they’ll go to a referendum on EU membership due to its criticism of Turkey; EU, citing the imprisonment of journalists and the like, have started talking about halting discussions on Turkish membership.
Since its establishment, Turkey had close economical, trade and financial ties with the West and very strong military ties with the USA; as such it is undoubtedly very hard for Turkey as a NATO member to change its ‘axis’ or ‘boss’. Nevertheless, President Erdoğan, having visited Pakistan recently, has stated “…why not? It will help Turkey feel at ease” on the issue of membership to the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation.
Besides the policies and steps taken by the AKP government, the Turkish economy is not going in the right direction either. The rate of growth has been falling for the last four years, the deficit and unemployment increasing. According to official figures unemployment is at 11% but the real figure is higher. The dollar has risen 10% against the Turkish Lira in the recent days; as if the Turkish lira has devaluated and lost 10% of its value. The government is cutting the interest rate and increasing available credit in an attempt to stimulate the economy but stagnation has set in all sectors - primarily building and textile sectors. A capitalist crisis that is not limited to, and not necessarily starting in the financial sector is raising its “head” and this is the soft underbelly of the AKP.
Despite all bans and police oppression, strikes at workplaces level continue. The powers of the executive are ever increasing; students are demonstrating against the decision that university rectors will be appointed by the President. Solicitors and intellectuals are demonstrating to condemn the imprisonment of their peers. Opponents of AKP are trying to create new alliances. Unity for Democracy with its components of democratic, socialist, social-democrat and Kurdish national movements, including our party, is taking further steps to organise following a series of meetings.
New magazines are published in place of others.
Is the future of Turkey going to be a fascist dictatorship run by one man? Or the struggle for democracy and freedom will widen and strengthen to achieve new successes; the dimensions of the struggle and the level of organisation will determine this. Of course the international support and solidarity will have a great contribution to the outcome.
Labour Party (EMEP) Turkey 
International Bureau
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Saturday, November 26, 2016

Solidarity with the Union of Educators of Ecuador (UNE)

From the International Conference of Marxist-Leninist Parties and Organizations, we extend our solidarity with the National Union of the Educators of Ecuador (UNE), the largest trade union organism of the Ecuadorian teachers that in its history of more than 72 years has played a very important role for the conquering of the rights and freedoms for the people and has stood firm against the most heinous dictatorships that the Ecuador has seen.
Today, just like yesterday, UNE is subject of harassment and persecution on the part of the reaction that took shape in Rafael Correa government, which unmask itself as a servant that defends the interests of the imperialism and new groups of rich produced by the politics of modernization of the capitalism; a government that has made one of its more reactionary plan acting for the dissolution of an institution of great democratic prestige, struggle tradition and long history.
UNE has been subject to the reactionary politics of Correa and Alianza Pais party, because it has demonstrated in the practice to be consistent and unwavering in the defence of the popular interests; UNE, always maintaining the class political independence, and being a moral bastion in front of dictatorships and pseudo-democratic governments, always opposed to the plans of deepening the neoliberal politics of privatization of the education and labour flexibility, fighting for the rights of teachers, students and the peoples. For these reason it has the support and solidarity of the main trade unions of Ecuador, the sympathy and the backing of many trade union organizations of the teachers at international level.
From each of our trenches, we extend our greetings and encouragement so that the teachers and peoples struggle in Ecuador will develop their independent way building the popular unity that the working class and the peoples of Ecuador require for the construction of the new Motherland and Socialism.
Long live the teachers and Ecuadorian peoples struggle!
Long live internationalist solidarity!
October 2016
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The XXII Conference of the CIPOML gathered in Denmark, manifest its full solidarity to the growing protests of the working class and the youth of Brazil to reject to the parliamentary manoeuvre imposed by the most reactionary National Congress in the whole history of Brazil that responds to the miserable interests of the Federation of Industries of the State of São Paulo and to the oligarchy of the financial capital, which powered up the impeachment with the clear objective of loading on the shoulder of the working classes the terrible weight of the current economic crisis that corrode the dying capitalist economic system.
This is absolutely evident in all the measures taken by the illegitimate, antinational, corrupt government that have visible tendencies to the fascism, in its five months of existence.
Michel Temer government involved in the coup has already removed the exclusivity of PETROBRAS to explore the crude oil in the deep waters of the “Upresal” sea; it is implanting “The school without party” in the whole basic and secondary system that will be anymore obligatorily and free, as well as the university education. Furthermore, in the Chamber of Deputies was approved on October 11 the project of amendment of the Constitution (PEC 241), which removes the obligation of the Brazilian government to increase for the next 20 years the state budget in health, education and social aid. Therefore, there will be no wage increase in wage for teachers and medical doctors, neither contract for other public servants, with the aim to undermine the public services and to justify the privatization of these essential services. This great amount of money will go to the bankers through the perverse mechanism of the payment on the public debt that already reaches to the astronomical value of R$ 3 trillions 936 billions 680 millions, 962 thousand and 32 real.
The result of this situation will be a real social catastrophe, with more than 12 million unemployed workers, a number that increases every day, and with 800 schools occupied in protest by the secondary students; for this reason the main central trade unions, the two fronts of social mobilization - “Brazil Popular” and “People Without Fear” - the left Party and the Organizations, are calling for a general strike on November 11.
We wish every success at these days, for the rich tradition of struggle of the Brazilian people that only with its mobilization and organization can overthrow the Temer government and to impede this tragedy, and in this way to open the road to establish the popular power and socialism, the unique system that will be able to solve effectively the problems of exploitation and oppression lasting several centuries.
October 2016.
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Tuesday, November 22, 2016

Resolution on Colombia

The Parties and Organizations participating in the XXII International Plenary have carried out a detailed monitoring of the Colombian reality, especially of the activities that are realised today in this country for the peace.

Our Conference wants to take advantage of this occasion to reiterate its full support to the working class, the labourers and the people of Colombia, to their struggle for the achievement of a true peace with social justice.

The results of the plebiscite
Having known the results of the plebiscite held on October 2, we point out the high level of abstention that was registered in the country. On a total of 34.899.945 registered people in the electoral census in Colombia, only 13.066.047 voters, that represent the 37.43%, went to the polls. Along with the abstention, that reached the 62.57%, the results show the very low support received by the YES, that obtained only 6.377.482 votes (about 18.27%), and by the NOT with 6.431.376 votes (about 18.42%). These data reflect the government's very low support, as well as the rejection of the agreements signed by the government of Juan Manuel Santos with the FARC-EP. The invalid and blank ballots, that are more than 257.000, are also an expression of dissent and protest against the politics of peace wanted by the government.

For our Conference, neither Santos, leader of the YES, nor Álvaro Uribe Vélez, boss of the NOT, acquired the support and the necessary legitimacy to continue on committing the State with the proposals and the politics that they defend. We highlight the results of the conflict, the will expressed by the people to reject the “Roman Peace”, as well as its demands and commitment with the democratic changes that will allow the overcoming of the injustice and social exclusion that characterizes the Colombia regime.

Having been not adopted the Havana agreements, and recognizing the deep desire of peace with social justice of the Colombian people, our Conference underline the obligation that has the Juan Manuel Santos government to provide to all the organizations, social and political forces, the necessary guarantees for the development of a wide national dialogue in order to discuss without obstacles the way out of the social, economic, politic and armed conflict that this nation lives for long years.

Optimists for the steps to be taken, we greet the activities and protest manifestations that spread out in the whole country, demanding the government not to reduce the dialogue, and neither the definitions about the peace in Colombia to what agreed the government, the parties of the National Unity, the Democratic Center and the FARC-EP. We express our support to the democratic social and political organizations that struggle in that perspective, in order to extend the conversations to the whole insurgency, including the ELN and EPL, as well as all the social, popular and political organizations of the country, in a clearing understanding that peace is a matter that concerns and commits to the totality of the Colombian nation.
We support the proposal to realise a National Constituent Assembly with a wide democratic character that will take up the task of approving a New Political Constitution and with it the bases of the peace with social justice that claim the majorities of Colombia.

The Nobel to Santos
In front of the international community, we express our concern for the erratic decisions of the Norwegian Nobel Committee regarding the peace in the world. In the same way we expressed our clearest rejection to the award of the Nobel Peace Prize to Obama, in this occasion we reject the prize that Juan Manuel Santos will receive on December of the present year with the same justification.

Mr. Santos can show neither administration of peace, nor concrete results in this matter; his commitment with the Pentagon, the imperialistic strategy of struggle against the world terrorism and the politics of national security applied in Colombia and Latin America will never be able to represent him as a leader of the peace of our peoples.

The defenders of such prize forget that Mr. Santos, in his function of Secretary of Defence in the government of Álvaro Uribe Vélez, was responsible of the so-called “false positive”; he promoted the paramilitary groups, the famous “chuzadas” (illegal interception of communications) to the high Judicial Cortes and the attack to the sovereignty of the countries. They also forget the repressive action against the people in the years in which he acted as Chief of the State and of the government in Colombia; the constant violations of the human rights and the humanitarian international right; the indiscriminate bombings, the out of combat murder of the of guerrilla leaders', as well as the disappearance of more than a hundred of popular leaders during its government. Furthermore, they also forget the linking of the Colombian armed forces, leaded by Santos, with the NATO, as well as its actions with the group of the allies against Iraq and Syria in the last years. For our Conference a war criminal like Santos will never be seen by the workers and peoples like a defender and fighter for peace.

Our support and solidarity
Finally, in accordance with the debated questions, the ICMLPO express its support and solidarity with the political action that the Communist Party of Colombia (marxist-leninist) and the Popular Liberation Army (EPL) develop along with the working class and the people, against the fascistization and for the conquest of the democratic openness and the peace with social justice.

Denmark, October 2016

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