Thursday, May 29, 2014

Statement on the 20th Anniversary of the International Conference of Marxist-Leninist Parties and Organizations


In the 21st century the world continues to be divided. The contradiction between Labor and Capital in all spheres is the division that reflects the antagonism between labor and the increasing socialization of production on the one hand, and the capitalist character of appropriation that is increasingly concentrated in a handful of people on the other hand.

Scientific and industrial forces have emerged that were unimaginable fifty years ago; production has been mechanized to an extraordinary degree, technology, communications and computers have spread widely for social and individual use. However, everything carries its opposite with it, the despair caused by capitalism has reached very serious levels; the signs of decay have evolved parallel to the accumulation at a level that exceeds the final periods of the Byzantine Empire.

In 2008, the global crisis of capitalism, which many countries are still suffering from, is trying to make the broad masses of the exploited pay for the crisis, the masses who have experienced that capitalism is the social organization characterized by "poverty within wealth." To make the popular strata pay for the crisis further aggravates the disastrous consequences of capitalism: the mechanization of the labor process, the increase of exploitation, including the decrease in real wages, the explosion of poverty and famine, injustice and inequality, begging, drugs, prostitution, etc.

It is impossible to accept, bear or ignore this division of the world and the growing discontent and exasperation that leads the exploited masses in various countries to rebel. This situation is evident in Greece, Portugal, Spain, Tunisia, Egypt, Turkey, Brazil, etc.

The antagonism between capital and labor is not the only reason for the division of the world. There is the contradiction between a minority of rich capitalist countries and imperialist States, and the backward peoples and countries, oppressed and exploited politically, economically and financially, which are the majority. The big imperialist States, which have created international organizations such as the European Union, the Free Trade Agreements, NATO and the United Nations, touted as the "international community," plunder the natural resources of the oppressed peoples and do not tolerate the possibility of their self-determination. This is the case of Africa which they are exhausting, or the Amazon which they are destroying, or the occupation of Afghanistan, Iraq, Libya, Syria. etc.

Another field of conflict and contradictions is the confrontation between the international monopolies and imperialist countries among themselves, which is expressed mainly in the formation and reformation of economic and military blocs, in the establishment of military bases on the five continents. In the dispute over who will dominate and plunder certain regions, the imperialist countries clash with each other harshly. To gain control of these regions, they incited national quarrels to obtain the support of the oppressed peoples. These internal struggles that are provoked and lead to military conflicts as has been seen in Ukraine and Syria, show that the imperialist confrontations are being aggravated.

In the 1990s the capitalists and their lackeys proclaimed "the end of history," "the eternity of capitalism" and a "new world order"; they proclaimed a peaceful, prosperous society, without crises, built on a "self-regenerated capitalism," based on a "capitalist globalization" that would be built "superseding classes and the class struggle." However it is not prosperity but misery that is being aggravated. Instead of peace there is war and coups, the loss of credibility of the dictatorships that we have experienced in the past decades.

No, capitalism cannot propose to the workers who subsist on their labor power in the factories and offices; to the unemployed and the poor of the cities and the countryside, neither a job nor a decent wage, neither peace nor prosperity nor security in the future. To obtain all these it is necessary to encourage the workers and other working people to revolt and overthrow the power of capital.

From the struggle of the slaves against the slave masters, in all societies that have been the scene of class struggle, the struggle has been resolved by the seizure of power by one class of oppressors over another. Capitalism has developed the forces of production to such a degree that it cannot maintain itself without cutting or changing property relations. Moreover, capitalism continually develops the working class, increasingly socializing it. Thus it has created the social conditions in which the power of an exploited class can replace that of the exploiting class. This historical and social evolution determines the historic mission of the working class, the seizure of power to create a transitional period towards socialism with the aim of expropriating the expropriators, abolishing classes and relations of class exploitation.

The working class demonstrated against capitalist tyranny for the first time in the 19th century with the rebellions that took place throughout the European continent, and the seizure of power in France in the Paris Commune for a short period in 1871. Then there was the overthrow of the power of the capitalist class in Russia with the Great October Revolution of 1917, when it organized as the ruling class to build the Soviet Union and took giant steps for half a century toward the abolition of the exploitation of man by man.

We, the Marxist-Leninist parties and organizations of the world, united in the International Conference (ICMLPO), on the occasion of the 20th anniversary of our Organization, call on the working class of the world, the oppressed peoples, the youth of all countries to unite against the international bourgeoisie and imperialism, and so to strengthen the struggle for liberation.

The world, divided between exploiters and exploited, between imperialist masters and oppressed peoples, is moving towards a new period of rebellions and revolutions.

Capitalism has nothing to offer the exploited masses; it has matured conditions more than in any other period of history, the prelude to socialism. Speaking of maturity, we must use that term both quantitatively and qualitatively for the working class and other working people, which are further consolidating their positions in order to strengthen their organizations in all countries if they draw upon their own experiences of both trade-union and political struggle, especially of the massive struggles in many countries.

Even if the revolutions have been manipulated in countries such as Tunisia and Egypt, the future belongs to the working class and other working people of the world who are accumulating rich experiences in order to continue advancing.

The experiences of the revolutionary waves and of the national and social struggles of all countries of the world show that we can move forward to victory, and now with more strength and force. Our struggles for national and social liberation will take particular forms and will follow different roads depending upon the country; they will have an internationalist character by their content, being components of a single process of the world proletarian revolution.

All this demands from us the responsibility to consolidate and strengthen our unity and organization both nationally and internationally.

Socialism will win!

Long live internationalism!

Workers and oppressed peoples of the world, unite!

INTERNATIONAL CONFERENCE OF MARXIST-LENINIST PARTIES AND ORGANIZATIONS

May 1, 2014

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Friday, May 16, 2014

Labour Party (EMEP), Turkey: About the Mine Massacre in Turkey

The reason for the
Soma Massacre is the insatiable indulgence in exploitation by the bosses

284 miners have lost their lives in Soma, Manisa in a mine owned by Soma Coal Inc. The death toll is expected to rise and there is a high number of casualties.

We send our condolences to the working class and the families of the deceased, and wish a speedy recovery to the injured.

We cannot call what happened in Soma an accident like the Government representatives are trying to. On the contrary, not an accident or fate this is a real massacre!

According to figures, during the 12 years of AKP rule, over 14.000 workers have lost their lives. The Soma Massacre has become the pinnacle of these murders.

All these murders are a result of an anti-labour a policy. The neo-liberal policies by the AKP government, as well as those before them; privatisation, subcontracting, increased workload with reduced number of workers, increased exploitation in the name of improved performance; these are all reasons for these murders.

A motion to set up a ‘Committee of Investigation’ due to frequent deaths at Soma Coal Inc., put forward by MPs from the political parties of CHP, MHP and BDP, was defeated in the Parliament (TBMM) by AKP MPs votes only 20 days ago.

The parliamentary question by HDP Istanbul MP Levent Tuzel was practically dismissed by the relevant ministry, stating that workplaces are regularly inspected.

The managers at the mine where the Soma Massacre took place have praised the virtues of privatisation, enabling them to reduce the price of coal by 60%. This must be how the cost of coal must be reduced! Reducing the number of workers, increasing workload, getting rid of experienced workers to replace them with cheaper, less experienced workers, employing ignorant, inexperienced workers through sub-contractors, preventing unionisation and depriving workers of their basic rights, reducing expenditure on security in the name of reducing costs, breaching worker security and health regulations, close relations with the ruling party leading to avoiding inspections, etc.; these are the practices they boast about in the name of cost reduction and they led to this blatant massacre.

Murders at work and this last massacre obviously are not fate.

Murders at work will stop only when the bosses drive for profit and indulgence in exploitation stops. Our party is working to end the system of exploitation.

We are very sorry for the worker friends we have lost. The best thing we can do for them now is to unite against exploitation and raise the struggle against it.

We call on the government to give up policies that are against workers.

The Energy and Natural Resources Minister and the Work and Pensions Minister should be the first to immediately resign. Those responsible should be sentenced and given the severest sentences.

The legislation, currently inadequate to secure worker health and security, should be reviewed; workplaces should be inspected by experts on workplace security. Serious penalties should be introduced for bosses of companies that do not meet the necessary worker security and health measures.

We call on workers and unions to protest the Soma Massacre with strikes and rallies. We should not let such a massacre be swept under with messages of condolences. As a country, it is the right time to reach for the switch and stop life in order to prevent such future massacres.

Labour Party (EMEP), Turkey

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Wednesday, May 14, 2014

“The Party of Labour of Iran (Toufan)” and “The Marxist-Leninist Organization of Toufan-Rahe Ayandeh” have united

imageThe Unity Statement

Dear Comrades, Communists, Workers, and Fellow Iranians!

In the following statement, we inform all Marxist-Leninists, the working class, and the people of Iran that the two organizations of “The Party of Labour of Iran (Toufan)” and “The Marxist-Leninist Organization of Toufan-Rahe Ayandeh” have united. Both of these organizations reached agreement on all the following points after necessary discussions and an exchange of points of views. We circulate this statement among the sympathizers of the emancipation of the working class and those who sincerely wish to eliminate class oppression and exploitation. We offer our unified action as a positive example from which they can gain experience.

We hope this joint effort inspires those who have love for and consider communism as the ideal of human emancipation.

The Party of Labour of Iran (Toufan) and the Marxist-Leninist Organization of Toufan-Rahe Ayandeh, in their 35-year activities and historical developments and in their separate paths of struggles for the same goal, have gained a variety of positive and negative experiences. Based on the lessons of these experiences, they were able to join for a common struggle and have reached ideological-political-organizational unity on the basis of the Program and Constitution of the Party of Labour of Iran as the single party of the working class of Iran.

After many years of militant struggles and through the evaluation of each other’s documents and central organs, both organizations have reached the conclusion that their attitudes towards the events and surrounding phenomenon were generally based on dialectical materialism and were consistent in their entirety throughout all ideological and political arenas. Therefore their separation is unnatural, unjustifiable, and irresponsible. They therefore decided to put an end to this division.

Both organizations are of the opinion that unity in a working class party is not based on petty, daily details. The fundamentals of unity in a communist organization are based on Marxist-Leninist ideology, revolutionary action for the emancipation of the working class from the ruling capitalists, and Leninist organizational principles.

Unity with the single party of the working class must be formed on the basis of determinative, substantial, and major issues that express the nature of the organizations. The minor controversial issues should be investigated within the framework of the party and be resolved in the service of the party and in accordance with and respect for Leninist organizational principles. In resolving controversial issues, the emphasis should be placed on the importance of the principal issues the party is based on, and on resolving the part in the service of the whole in accordance to the principle of “unity-criticism-unity.” In this process, the struggle is carried out with the motivation of strengthening party unity. Healthy inner-party struggle shows the liveliness of the party and demonstrates the democratic nature of inner-party relations. This democratic inner-party struggle further strengthens the party.

The Party of Labour of Iran (Toufan) and the Marxist-Leninist Organization of Toufan-Rahe Ayandeh, in daily struggles and in attracting the conscious elements of the working class, have always declared their deep beliefs and loyalties to the leadership role of the party of the working class and to the principles of Leninist party discipline. They base their beliefs on the historical experience that all organizations and individuals who believe in Marxism-Leninism, in the October Socialist Revolution, and in the construction of socialism in USSR by Comrade Lenin and Stalin can and must unite in a single organization. Their effort to resolve the differences must have perspective and a target, and must be in the service of further strengthening of the party of the working class. The party of the working class manifests the historical memory and achievements of the class, inspires the continuation of the class struggles, and is the subjective factor in ending division in the class. The party carries out a ceaseless struggle against bourgeois and petty-bourgeois ideologies, against anarcho-syndicalism, against trailing behind the “mass of workers,” and against economism. The Party shows that the distorted theory of “Emancipation of the working class by its own hands”; that is, emancipation without the subjective factor of consciousness and without the need for the leadership of the Party, is one of the “worker-worship” tricks used by the bourgeoisie in its ideological struggles against the working class. It is only through such struggles that the Party can put an end to dispersion, to the escaping-discipline attitudes, and to the fascination with individualism. The struggle against division and dispersion must pass through putting emphasis on the significance of the leading role and the leadership function of the Party, through spreading belief in organizational discipline, through advocating loyalty to the Party, and through showing the path of unity drawn by the conscious sector of the working class. Only this planned, conscious, well-thought, and targeted struggle, together with feelings of communist responsibility, is the remedy to end division and dispersion.

The party of the working class must be the manifestation of the ideological firmness and political independence of the class. Also, it must put the organizational unity of the class in order by fighting against petty-bourgeois thoughts and tendencies that are designed to cause division. The existence and activity of the party are the necessary conditions to end division and dispersion. The party is the conscious, subjective factor that holds high the banner of the fight against division and dispersion, and therefore, it cannot surrender to the condition of ideological, political, and organizational dispersion. The party, as the conscious factor, must rise up against the spirit of petty-bourgeois divisionism and dispersion and put its stamp on the removal of dispersion and its consequences that have damaged Iran’s communist movement since the rise of revisionism.

Consequently, the two organizations, feeling responsible for the communist and worker movements in Iran, have reached organizational unity on the basis of ideological-political-organizational communist principles, and concretely, on the basis of the political line and Program and the Constitution of Party of Labour of Iran. The two organizations call on all those who sincerely wish the emancipation of the working class to overcome their hesitation and join us in this common path with the feeling of communist responsibility and with the rich and precious experiences they have gained in their struggles.

Long Live Marxism Leninism !

Long Live Freedom, Independence, Democracy, and Socialism !

“ The Party of Labour of Iran (Toufan)”

“ The Marxist –Leninist Organization of Toufan-Rahe Ayandeh”

May 1, 2014

WWW.Toufan.org

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Thursday, May 01, 2014

Toufan: Long Live May 1st, the Harbinger of the Spring of the Working Class Liberation!

Long Live May 1st, the Harbinger of the Spring of the Working Class Liberation!

If the workers put a stop to work, the world will go into disarray.

Comrade Workers,

May Day, the day of unity and solidarity of the workers of the world, is coming in a situation in which the US imperialists, with or without agreement of the UN Security Council, are continuing their aggression against smaller nations. The imperialists have created a situation resembling the era of old colonialism. They recognize neither the self-determination nor the independence of the nations, nor do they value the territorial integrity of other countries. The imperialists do not recognize any international treaty that opposes or restricts their interests. They occupy smaller countries, invade their airspace, assassinate their civilians, and do not feel accountable to anyone. The US imperialists want to impose on the world the ratified decisions of the US Congress. The imperialists keep all the official payments and foreign exchanges under their control in order to bully smaller nations. Iraq, Afghanistan, Syria, Libya, Palestine, … are victims of the imperialist criminal policies.

Comrade Workers,

Today’s crisis in Ukraine has root in the expansion of the western imperialist influence in regions dominated by the former super power Soviet Social Imperialism. The western imperialists are trying to siege Russia, to expand NATO, to plunder the vast raw resources of Russia through military and economic pressure, and to encircle China. The Russian imperialists do not easily surrender to this threat and resist against the western free trade regions and World Trade Organization by forming its own block, a union of countries with duty free trade relations. In today’s world, the western imperialism is the most dangerous and offensive imperialism that threatens the world peace. It is the duty of all workers and the people of the world to put a bridle on the international cannibalism which is counter-part of terrorism and fascism.

Comrade Workers,

In Iran, President Rouhani, who took office through the Supreme Leader’s carefully engineered elections, will not and cannot remove any of thousands of pains and sufferings the Iranian masses are going through. In Iran, only the supporters of the regime have all the “democratic rights”. The other forces; nationalists, liberals, social democrats, communists, trade unionists and other activists have no freedom or democratic rights, and furthermore, they lack any security. The regime of the Islamic Republic assassinates, tortures, and imprisons them. Due to the pressure from imperialist powers and due to the dissatisfaction of the Iranian masses because of unemployment, corruption of the authorities, scandals, inflation, etc. the regime of the Islamic Republic has surrendered to the imperialist powers. The regime of the Iran that has more fear from the struggle of the Iranian people for their rights than the imperialists has no choice except to surrender to the imperialist pressures. Any regime that does not rely on the masses to fight against the imperialist sanctions and threats is doomed to defeat. A regime that does not recognize the rights of the masses has no base to fight the foreign imperialist enemies.

The secret negotiations between the USA and Iran have started during Ahmadinejad presidency, since 2011, and have nothing to do with Rouhani taking office. The secret agreements are not only on “atomic crisis” but they are on a package that includes: the foreign policy of Iran in the region and the world, providing the conditions for Iran to join WTO and accepting the domineering conditions of the World Bank, the liberalization of Iranian economy, privatization of Iran’s national resources, elimination of all subsidies and social services, and to create a class of deprived citizens who are even needy of bread so that they work in harsh conditions for the imperialist investments. Rouhani government of “Key and the Plan of Action” provides conditions for this slavery. And this requires the extreme suppression of the working class.

The Party of Labour of Iran (Toufan) strongly condemns the suppression of the Iranian people by regime of the Islamic Republic. We condemn arbitrary detention and imprisonment of the worker-activists and demand the immediate and unconditional freedom for all the activists and political prisoners.

The Party of Labour of Iran (Toufan) supports the struggle of the workers and toilers against privatization and collective layoffs and for the payment of their delayed wages, for increase wages, for the formation of independent syndicates, etc.

Comrade Workers,

The remedy to the problems facing the working class is unity and organization. Only through united struggles against imperialism and capitalism the working class can achieve their just demands. Only through a revolution lead by the party of the working class, only through a socialist revolution, we will be able to eliminate poverty, unemployment, inflation, and exploitation and to build a society in which people live free and hopeful for future.

Hail May 1st. the International Working Class Day !

Greetings to the Militant Working Class of Iran !

Free all the Worker-activists from the Prisons of the Islamic Republic of Iran !

For Toppling the Capitalist Regime of the Islamic Republic of Iran by the Hands of Iran’s Workers and Toilers !

Long Live Proletarian Internationalism !

Long Live Socialism !

The Party of Labour of Iran (Toufan)

April 2014

WWW.Toufan.org

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Wednesday, April 16, 2014

The life of the worker-activist Shahrokh Zamani is in Danger!

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All the worker-activists must be released immediately and unconditionally from the prison of the Islamic Republic of Iran !

Dear comrades,

The criminal regime of the Islamic Republic of Iran has intensified the repression of all the worker-activists, particularly, of Shahrokh Zamani.

Shahrokh Zamani, a house-painting worker, a labour activist, a member of the “Founding Committee of House-Painting Workers’ Union of Tehran” and a member of the “Follow-up Committee to form Independent Worker Syndicates”, has been on hunger strike since March 8, 2014. Shahrokh was arrested in the city of Tabriz on June 7, 2011 and has been in detention since then. He was sentenced to 10 years of imprisonment with the charge of joining opposition groups, and another year with the charge of propaganda against the Islamic regime. The regime of the Islamic Republic has transferred him from a notorious prison to another, Tabriz, Yazd, and Gohardasht and more recently to Ghezelhesar in the city of Karaj.

Shahrokh Zamani, in support of and together with his co-workers and labour activist who were protesting their harsh conditions in Gohardasht prison, went on hunger strike on March 8, 2014. Three days later, on March 11, he was transferred to Ghezelhesar prison, a prison housing only inmates charged with drug-related crimes. He has been on hunger strike for more than 5 weeks and has lost more than 20 kilos. His life is in serious danger and the authorities of the Islamic Republic of Iran have not paid any attention to his life-threatening condition.

The Party of Labour of Iran (Toufan) strongly condemns the mistreatment of Shahrokh Zamani and the arrest and imprisonment of the labour activists who struggle for their just and basic rights. Once again, we express our utmost disgust and outrage for the capitalist and unpopular regime of Iran. Workers have the right to fight for their deprived rights and to form their independent organisations. Any attempt to restrain the legitimate activities of the working class must be condemned by all the wage labourers and progressive forces domestically and around the world. Our Party takes the regime of Iran responsible for the well being of Shahrokh Zamani and other activists. The suppression of the masses by the reactionary regime of the Islamic Republic of Iran is in the interest of both the capitalist exploiters and plunderers of Iran and of the imperialists and warmongers who have worsened the living conditions of the people by their economic sanctions.

The capitalist regime of the Islamic Republic is very concern of the formation of independent worker-organisations and of the unity of the workers with other sections of the society. The Islamic regime is trying to suffocate any attempt to build independent and democratic workers' organisations. Following this policy, the regime of the Islamic Republic of Iran has harassed, tortured and imprisoned Reza Shahabi, Mohammed Jarrahi, Ebrahimzadeh, and other prominent trade union activists for several years.

The Party of Labour of Iran (Toufan) supports the just struggles of the labour-activists for a better working condition and we praise their attempts to form independent trade unions. We call on all fraternal Parties and the Marxist-Leninist Organisations, all worker-activists, and all progressive minded individuals of the world to express solidarity with the struggles of the Iranian worker-activists. The people of the world should be outraged over the imprisonment and treatment of the Iranian masses and labour activists and to demand the regime of Islamic Republic to free Shahrokh Zamani and worker-activists and political prisoners immediately and unconditionally. Only the intensification of the just struggle of the Iranian labourers and of the genuine international support for masses can force the Islamic regime to retreat and to stop the repression of the Iranian people.

Release Shahrokh Zamani and other worker-activists immediately and unconditionally!

Long live the struggles of the Iranian working class!

Down with the capitalist regime of the Islamic Republic of Iran!

The Party of Labour of Iran (Toufan)
April 13, 2014

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Tuesday, April 15, 2014

Boycott Euro-elections – Greece out of the imperialist EU RIGHT NOW

afissa

The poster above says:

BOYCOTT THE EUROELECTIONS

GREECE OUT OF THE IMPERIALIST EU RIGHT NOW

Not recognise and deny to pay any debt

Movement for the REORGANITATION of KKE 1918-55

anasintaxi.awardpace.com

anasintaxi.blogspot.com

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Friday, January 17, 2014

Restoration of capitalism in USSR

We wrote a series of articles on the Restoration of the capitalism in USSR. We translated 8 parts in English and there is one more under preparation.
The complete contents in Greek can be found in: Η ΠΑΛΙΝΟΡΘΩΣΗ ΤΟΥ ΚΑΠΙΤΑΛΙΣΜΟΥ ΣΤΗ ΣΟΒΙΕΤΙΚΗ ΕΝΩΣΗ (1953-1990) (περιεχόμενα)
The complete references of the articles in Greek can be found in: Η παλινόρθωση του καπιταλισμού στη Σοβιετική Ένωση (1953-1990) (σειρά άρθρων)

The book, written in Greek, which is under preparation, contains an introduction and 15 chapters.
Part 1 of the English articles corresponds to chapter 11a
Part 2 corresponds to chapter 11b
Part 3 corresponds to chapter 12
Part 4 corresponds to chapter 13
Part 5 corresponds to chapter 14
Part 6 corresponds to chapter 15.A
Part 7 corresponds to chapter 15.B 1-2
Part 8 corresponds to chapter 15.B 3
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Friday, December 13, 2013

Anasintaxi 392B (1-30/11/2013)

201311B-1ofyllo

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Anasintaxi 392 (1-30/11/2013)

201311-1ofyllo

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Anasintaxi 391B (1-31/10/2013)

201310b

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Anasintaxi 391 (1-31/10/2013)

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Sunday, November 10, 2013

Final Resolution of the 19th Plenary of the ICMLPO

In the Middle of the World, in an atmosphere of internationalist comradeship and solidarity, the members of the International Conference of Marxist-Leninist Parties and Organizations (ICMLPO) met to share and discuss analysis and experiences. We arrived at resolutions that will contribute to the fulfillment of the historical role of the Marxist-Leninists, the revolutionaries, anti-imperialist and anti-fascist fighters, working class, oppressed peoples and youth.

On the International Situation

The Fundamental Contradictions of the Epoch Are Sharpening.

The international economic crisis that exists in some countries, particularly in Western Europe, and the economic decline of others are the clearest demonstration that the fundamental contradictions are sharpening: between capital and labor, between imperialism and the oppressed peoples and nations, between the imperialist powers and monopolies. It is a cyclical crisis that is developing on top of the worsening of the general crisis of capitalism that began a century ago.

The ideological and political struggle between the proletarian revolutionaries who are fighting for socialism, and reaction, liberalism and opportunism who defend capitalism and imperialism is also deepening.

The imperialist countries are heading the economic decline, in the first place the United States, which has a zero industrial growth. In Japan there are further declines in the economy. Several countries of the European Union are facing a recession that is striking particularly Greece, Spain, Portugal, Italy and Ireland and is threatening France, Belgium and others.

The bourgeois economists themselves are saying that these countries will take many years to return to pre-2008 levels and start the recovery process.

The economies called engines of growth of capitalism, China, India and Russia are in a process of economic slowdown; this situation is accentuated in Brazil, which is declining steadily.

The dependent countries of Latin America, Africa and Asia are suffering the impact of the crisis on a smaller scale, due to the high prices of raw materials, natural resources and agricultural products; they are showing an uneven growth.

The monopoly groups, the imperialist countries, the local bourgeoisies and their governments are shifting the burden of the crisis onto the working masses, the peoples and the youth.

In all countries of the world, we see the increased exploitation of the working class under the pretext of increased competitiveness; in Europe there are massive layoffs of workers, reduced wages through blackmail, etc., an increase in job precariousness and labor flexibility under different names for the sake of maximum monopoly profit.

The migrants around the world are victims of this policy, and moreover they face discrimination, xenophobia and racism; they are placed as enemies of native-born workers who blame them for rising unemployment; they are cheap labor used by the capitalists for their greater accumulation.

In the countryside the conditions of life and work are worsening as a result of the pricing policy, of the free trade agreements that benefit the agribusiness monopolies. The agricultural businesses are developing hand in hand with the growing monopolization of the land, of the agricultural production and of the commercialization based on the super-exploitation of the workers in the countryside and the imperialist dependency imposed on the majority of the countries.

The youth is affected by the restriction of public education, converting schools into producers of cheap labor power in the service of capital; huge masses of young people, including univerity graduates, are joining the millions of unemployed.

While the large financial and industrial monopolies are still being fed by public funds, the social budgets, the money intended for public health, education, housing, social security, etc. are being diminished and cut back drastically; the years needed for retirement have been increased and in some countries the decision has been made to lower wages and increase the working day.

The crisis is of such a magnitude that imperialism and the governments are implementing increasingly brutal, aggressive, exploitative and repressive policies against the working and popular masses.

The Policies of Capital Are Becoming More Authoritarian and Repressive

Along with the economic crisis there is the political crisis of the bourgeoisie, expressed in the discrediting of the institutions, of politics in general, of bourgeois democracy and the political parties in particular.

One example of this reality is the high rate of abstention in elections in many countries, the loss of confidence in the traditional political parties of the bourgeoisie, including the reformist and social-democratic parties. In several countries this situation is leading to disappointment, to the dissatisfaction of the masses, to the search for alternatives of change that are being covered by bourgeois options using the terms left, "democratic socialism" and "21st century socialism." It also makes way for new reactionary forces, in some cases fascists, fundamentalists and populists that are demagogically presented as an alternative of change for the peoples.

Besides the loss of credibility of the national bourgeois institutions should be added the loss of prestige of the international agencies of capitalism and globalization such as the IMF, WTO, NATO, EU, UN, etc.

The masses have not advanced to the point where they can fully distinguish the parties that represent their interests. This is mainly due to the influence of reactionary ideas, the ideological offensive of imperialism and the bourgeoisie so that they lose interest in the struggle for power and take up non-partyism by which the ruling groups can continue to manipulate the masses and the power. It is also due to the presence and activity of different forms of opportunism and revisionism, and, of course, to the weakness and limitations of the revolutionary left.

Another manifestation of this trend is the involution of the so-called progressive governments, particularly in Latin America, which have shown their ideological and political limitations and in their capacity as administrators of the crisis they take measures that affect the people and criminalize social protest. In some cases they use the name of the left, of the revolution and of socialism to push forward their project of capitalist modernization.

In general, we are experiencing a process of growing authoritarianism, of the development of state terrorism in the exercise of bourgeois power, the denial of national sovereignty and the right to self-determination of the peoples, the restriction of civil and democratic liberties, the criminalization of social and popular struggle and the gradual abolition of the rights and freedoms of the people won through years of struggle.

The Struggle for a Redivision of the World Is Sharpening

The inability of imperialism to resolve its crisis, the huge sacrifices of the peoples, of the working masses, forces it to seek other forms of solution. One of these is the preparation of new imperialist wars, the significant increase in budgets for military spending, the occupation by troops of the countries rich in natural resources and located in geostrategic areas such as Afghanistan, Iraq, Libya, Congo, Mali, etc. These are pushing forward new military aggressions.

This situation is particularly evident in Africa, a continent with vast natural and agricultural resources that imperialism is using to refine the technology in order to try to get out of its crisis, and in the Middle East for the control and exploitation of the energy resources.

In these regions of the world the contradictions and rivalries between the imperialist powers and monopolies are evident. They show the tendency to a greater polarization between the United States and the European Union on the one hand and China on the other; Russia is joining the fight for its own interests, while the BRICS is projected as a new bloc for world domination.

In Syria a political and military conflict has been developing that involves the entire population, it has led to a reactionary civil war that is the pretext for imperialist and Zionist intervention. The weight of international public opinion, the particular interests of the various imperialist countries, the denunciation by democratic sectors and even by several governments and individuals, among others, has momentarily halted this intervention. The U.S. was only able to get France, Israel, Saudi Arabia and Turkey to join in this war of aggression. We emphasize that in this conflict British imperialism does not support the U.S. after several years of being its unconditional ally.

At the same time this showed a more active role for Russia on the diplomatic and military level, which in fact turned it, together with the U.S., into the arbiters of the conflict in Syria, ignoring the peoples and workers who will have to subordinate themselves to the plans of the foreign forces. The principle of self-determination of the peoples is once again being mocked and trampled upon by the imperialist countries.

The economic crisis, the super-exploitation of the working masses, as well as the politics of imperialist war and plunder is greatly increasing the forced and massive migration of millions of human beings who leave their country fleeing war, violence and misery and are looking for a better future. In this effort they are finding the borders closed, hundreds die in the crossing and, if they succeed in reaching their destination they are the object of the most cruel oppression and exploitation, they are abused and mistreated by the very imperialist powers who have caused the ruin of their countries.

The events in Syria, other events in Africa, Asia and the Middle East, the expansion of the Chinese economy are sharpening the inter-imperialist contradictions. China is gaining ground with an aggressive export policy, with important investments in the dependent countries, by holding U.S. Treasury bonds (it has become the largest creditor of the U.S.); moreover it is working to enhance its military apparatus.

It is no accident that the United States has made a priority of the Asian region as a strategic area in which it is concentrating its military force to maintain its position of supremacy.

The Response of the Workers, Peoples and Youth Is Growing Significantly

Imperialism and the bourgeoisie are placing the burden of the crisis onto the shoulders of the workers, peoples and youths in all countries, both imperialist and dependent.

But these people are not remaining passive; they are developing their struggle and organization. In this regard there stand out the continuing and important battles of the working class and youth in Turkey, Brazil, Egypt, Tunisia, Portugal, China, Bangladesh, Colombia, Chile, Greece and Spain, among others.

The anti-system actions of large sections of the youth and the middle strata in various regions are joining the struggle of the workers, struggles that have gone beyond economic demands.

In recent months there have been gigantic waves of the masses who have accelerated and protested against the establishment; although they do not have a revolutionary direction they open the perspective of a new situation, they encourage the progressive and revolutionary forces.

In short, in all countries, the peoples are expressing their discontent, they are protesting and looking for a way that leads to the solution of their serious problems.

An important struggle of the workers, peoples and youth against dictatorships and tyranny has taken shape in North Africa and the Middle East; in Tunisia and Egypt the struggle of resistance against imperialism and reaction is growing despite all the resources used to try to placate the struggles and divert them from their revolutionary path. Forms of this reactionary process are the utilization of Islamic fundamentalists, as well as coups and direct military interventions.

The ICMLPO is part of the workers and peoples who are fighting for their rights, for their social and national liberation. We are taking up our obligation to be where the battles are waged; we support them so that they may head towards their final objective. In particular we support the struggle waged by the people of Tunisia, by our fraternal party and the Popular Front to achieve the objectives of the revolution and people's power.

The Tasks of rhe Communists in the Present Situation

In these stormy waters of the class struggle, it is up to us to develop policies and tasks that respond to the following questions: What is the social force that is able to defeat imperialism, the bourgeoisie and reaction? Who should lead the large and small waves of struggle? What kind of society do the workers need to replace this dying system?

To provide an answer to these questions it is necessary to consolidate, develop and build the Communist Party as the vanguard party of the working class, which is deeply and permanently engaged in the crucible of the struggle of the masses, in all cases, whether organized or spontaneous; we must work to unify these struggles and direct them towards the social revolution.

We intend to strengthen the mobilization and organization of the exploited and oppressed masses in all areas, using all forms of struggle and organization that correspond to the concrete situations.

It is of fundamental importance to foster the unity of the working class and the peasantry, as well as of all sectors oppressed by capitalism and other pre-capitalist forms of exploitation, under the leadership of the working class and its Party. We emphasize the need to highlight the best efforts to clarify the question of the popular front as well as push forward for the work of building it in concrete conditions.

We must pay special attention to work with the youth, who burst out vigorously in the social and political fight, to work to give them a revolutionary direction, and to work among the working class women and women from the popular strata who constitute more than half of mankind, who suffer the effects of layoffs, job insecurity, etc. and have a great revolutionary potential.

In the discussion on the work with working class women and women from the popular strata there we emphasize the need to build a broad movement of democratic, anti-imperialist and revolutionary women with its own objectives.

At this time our efforts are directed to organizing and strengthening popular fronts as a necessary tool to link and mobilize the broad masses against the plans of imperialism and reaction. Fronts and coalitions that will form around a unified program that defends the interests of the working class, the working masses and the peoples.

The lessons of Marxism-Leninism and the practice of our parties teach us that we must fight to the end against all manifestations of sectarianism, of deviations from the right or left, maintaining firmness of principles and flexibility in tactics.

To fulfill the tasks it is necessary to fight ideologically and politically against imperialism and the bourgeoisie, as well as against the positions and practices of the collaborators and conciliators, which affect the workers and people by revisionism, opportunism, reformism and other forms that confuse and divert them from the goal of the social revolution as well as of the popular democratic revolutions.

We must organize a major offensive on what the left, the social revolution, socialism and communism mean. We must widely disseminate the proposals that we communists have in different realities, confronting what capitalism and its representatives have done to the workers, especially today, when they are trying to reverse a century of social and democratic gains.

In 2014 it will be 20 years since the ICMLPO launched its proclamation to the world, its commitment to forge the unity of the international communist movement, to contribute decisively to making Marxism-Leninism a material force of the workers and peoples to defeat imperialism and capitalism and establish socialism and communism as a society of full freedom and prosperity for the peoples.

The ICMLPO is fulfilling its role with determination, with important results that are still insufficient. Today we reaffirm our revolutionary commitment to consolidating and broadening it to ensure an internationalist, revolutionary leadership for the struggles of the working class, the popular masses and the oppressed peoples of the world.

Ecuador, October 2013

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Thursday, October 17, 2013

Greek unions call general strike November 6

Greece's two main unions GSEE (the General Confederation of Greek Workers)  - ADEDY (the Civil Servants' Confederation) have called a 24-hour general strike November 6 to protest government plans to pass new austerity measures.

The Movement for the Reorganisation of the KKE 1918-55 supports the strike and has released posters, flyers, etc. to support the struggle.

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Monday, October 07, 2013

Anasintaxi 390B (1-30/9/2013)

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Anasintaxi 390 (1-30/9/2013)

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Saturday, September 21, 2013

Greek civil servants call 2-day strike September 24-25

Greece's main public sector trade union, ADEDY, launched a call Friday for a two-day strike in protest against job lay-offs included in an economic overhaul demanded by the country's creditors.

ADEDY, in a statement, criticised the government's "submission" to proposals from the European Union and International Monetary Fund that would "destroy the public sector and the welfare state".

The strike action was called for September 24 and 25.

The Movement for the Reorganisation of the KKE 1918-55 supports the strike and has released posters, flyers, etc. to support the struggle.

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Thursday, September 12, 2013

Poll: 47% in Greece have NEGATIVE opinion on EU/Euro

New poll presented on Greek TV channel “SKAI” shows that 47% of the Greeks have negative opinion on EU/Euro (September 2013) compared to 31% last year.

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Friday, September 06, 2013

Anasintaxi 389 (1-31/8/2013)

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Wednesday, September 04, 2013

Reactionary anti-communist bourgeois theories that conceal the restoration of capitalism in the Soviet Union (1953-1990)

The violent overthrow of the Dictatorship of the Proletariat from the traitorous clique of Khrushchev-Brezhnev-Mikoyan-Suslov, etc. in 1953 after the death-murder of Joseph Stalin (on 5th March 1953), ushered in a completely new period in the history of the Soviet Union: the period of the reactionary process of destruction of socialism-communism and the progressive restoration of capitalism completed in the mid-60s - when the most comprehensive capitalist economic reform was implemented (Plenum in September 1965) – with the complete elimination of socialism in that country.

In the period after 1953, when the economic reforms of capitalist character were gradually introduced in, the still socialist, economy of the Soviet Union under the direct guidance of Khrushchev-Brezhnev bourgeois social-democratic CPSU, two reactionary anti-communist bourgeois theories were developed on international scale that attempted to disguise this regressive process i.e. the gradual but, in due course, the complete all-round restoration of capitalism in the Soviet Union: the one was proposed by the traditional bourgeois anti-communist defenders of capitalism-imperialism. The theory of "convergence" of the two opposite economic-social systems in general and more particularly those seen during the historical period after 1953, claiming, in other words, that the "socialism" of the Soviet Union and the capitalism of the western countries were mutually approaching to each other. The second theory was put forward by the anti-communist Khrushchev-Brezhnev revisionist social democrats representing the new bourgeoisie of the Soviet Union (originally under development and subsequently fully shaped bourgeoisie): the theory of the so-called "developed socialism".

Both of these theories concealed for decades the restoration of capitalism in the Soviet Union because they presented the objective historical social-economic reality in the Soviet Union and other revisionist countries at that time (1953-1990), primarily in the field of state power and the ideology as "Socialism" (!) showcasing the reactionary bourgeois-fascist power (prohibition of works of Stalin, etc.) of Khrushchev -Brezhnev-Gorbachev period 1953-1990 as the "power of the working class"(!) and claiming that the dominant ideology was "Marxism-Leninism", although it had already been replaced from Khrushchevian revisionism (a variant of bourgeois ideology) and number of other traditional bourgeois trends, including the ultra-reactionary philosophy of Nietzsche, German Romanticism, etc. In field of economics, they presented any "changes" in the Soviet economy as an indication that the two allegedly "different" economic-social systems come close to one another. From these views flows directly and explicitly hide the regressive process of restoration of capitalism in the Soviet Union - a phenomenon that was discovered and denounced from the outset only by the revolutionary Marxists who analyzed it, not completely, but at least in its basic aspects*

Moreover, the theory of "convergence" put forward by the western bourgeois reaction, and had supporters even in the revisionist countries of the reinstated capitalism, as admitted by revisionist theorists**, and the theory of "developed socialism" put forward by the Khrushchevians were both anti-communist reactionary bourgeois theories because, during the period of their dominance (1955-1990), they were directed against the communist perspective of the Proletariat, obscured the communist prospect, presenting the restored capitalism of the Soviet Union as 'the communist' future, but at the same time they were in total breach with the objective historic progress of society toward socialism-communism.

Both of these reactionary, anti-communist theories dominated for decades the ideological "pseudo"-conflicts and controversies inside the ranks of imperialism, between the Western capitalist camp led by the imperialist U.S. and the eastern camp of reinstated capitalism during the Khruschev-Brezhnev-Gorbachev period led by the capitalist-imperialist Soviet Union (1953-1990). Having disoriented the international workers' and communist movement for many decades under the appearance - from both sides - of a conflict between "capitalism" - "socialism", these theories were buried under the ruins of the collapse of the revisionist capitalist camp and the final dissolution of the Soviet Union***.

The class character and content of the two theories is based on the defence of capitalism: for the theory of “convergence” it was traditional capitalism of the Western countries, while for the theory of “developed socialism” it was the restored capitalism of the Soviet Union and the other revisionist countries.

A. The reactionary anticommunist bourgeois theory of "convergence" capitalism-socialism

From the mid-1950s, among the bourgeois defenders of capitalism began to emerge various views suggesting a "new phase", a "new stage", in the development of the society. These views gave rise subsequently to the theories of the so-called "industrial society", or the theory of "convergence" of the two economic-social systems (capitalism-socialism). Initially, the main representatives of these theories were Raymond Aron (French), Jan Tinbergen (Dutch) and later John Kenneth Galbraith (U.S.) with his work: "The New industrial State" (Boston 1967), etc.

First, let us note that the term "convergence", in addition to being deceptive, has been transferred from the natural sciences (geometry, biology, medicine, etc.) to the field of social sciences to describe a kind of "synthesis" between capitalism-socialism and a supposedly "inevitable process of amalgamation of the two economic-social systems in general. Yet, we should note that the theory of "convergence" is not identical with the theory of "industrial society", whose core position is also the denial of the deterministic replacement of capitalism from socialism-communism, but it results from it.

Raymond Aron formally expressed these views in his work: "die Entwicklung der Industriegesellschaft und der sozialen Stratification" (1957), although it followed his earlier book "L'Opium des intellectuels" (The Opium of The Intellectuals) (Paris 1955), in which he declared that "In the West, the controversy between capitalism and socialism loses its actual intensity" and his Sorbonne lectures (1955-1956), later included in his work: «Dixhuit lecons sur la societe industrielle» (Paris 1962), in which he attempted for the first time to formulate the key features of 'industrial society' and present "socialism" and "capitalism" "as two versions of the same kind of industrial society ... the Soviet and capitalist societies are only two species of the same genus, or two versions of the same social type, namely, the progressive industrial society "(Greek 1972: p.46-47), emphasizing, at the same time, the main purpose of this "theoretical", reactionary, bourgeois and anti-communist approach i.e. "to avoid ahead of the opposition socialism-capitalism "(!)

Among the most important representatives of the theory of "convergence" in the economic and sociological field were Jan Tinbergen (economist), Pitirin A. Sorokin (Russian-born American sociologist) and Walter Buckingham (American economist).

Since most of, if not all, subsequent versions of the theory of "convergence" have incorporated the anti-scientific views of Walt Whitman Rostow’s famous anti-communist work: «The Stages of Economic Growth - A Non communist Manifesto» (1960, German 1961), we need to make a very brief reference to it. Rostow was had an ultra-reactionary adviser of the most aggressive militaristic circles of the American imperialism during the John F. Kennedy-Lyndon Johnson period, (within a very short time, his book was translated in 17 languages, and Rostow himself was hailed as the theorist -savior" of capitalism).

Rostow’s infamous “five stages of development” (= "traditional society", "preconditions for take-off", "take-off", "drive to maturity", and "high mass consumption. In German: "traditionelle Gesellschaft", "Anlaufperiode", "Aufstiegperiode", "Reifestadium" ,"Zeitalter des Massenkonsums", German p.18-27) – that were distinguished from one another according to the different level of development of production and consumption (!) - represent a pseudoscientific construction, because firstly, they have nothing whatsoever to do with the actual historical evolution of society, and secondly, because this completely arbitrary construction has completely omitted the "productive forces-productive relationship" and the dialectical relationship between them, the "property relations" and the corresponding "class relations", class interests, class conflicts, etc., that would allow a scientific approach to the historical progress of society as successive economic-social formations. Of course, the term "class struggle" is also not mentioned, because, as known, it is the driving force of historical development and all revolutionary changes in society.

The omission of all these does not mean at all that Rostow makes no attempt to provide a scientific-like form to his pseudoscientific construction by creating the misleading impression that he supposedly "accepts" the Marxist concept of "productive forces". However, the theory of "five stages" is based only on "technique" and it is, thu, in contrast with Marx who notes regarding this question: "Social relations are closely linked to the productive forces. By attaining new productive forces, people change their mode of production and by changing the mode of production, how to earn their living, they change all their social relations. The hand mill yields a society with the feudal ruler, the steam mill yields a society featuring the industrial capitalist… The production relations of every society form a whole” (MARX / ENGELS: Bd. 4, p.130).

In the description of the last "stage", i.e. the "era of mass consumption", the main PURPOSE of production in capitalism is completely transformed to its opposite: instead of a production system for PROFIT (especially for maximum profit), capitalism is presented as production system for consumption, i.e. for the alleged "satisfaction" of the needs of “all” classes in a bourgeois society. The maximization of profits is not related of course to the "nature" - "substance" of a nonexistent, abstract "man," not even with the "psychology" of the bourgeoisie as a social class in general (anti-Marxist approaches) but it is connected, instead, to the objective economic laws underlying capitalism, in particular the Law of SURPLUS VALUE and the law of capitalist accumulation.

In this essay-manifesto, Rostow calls Marx "a 19th century romantic" (p. 186). When he "evaluates" the contribution of Marx, he argues that supposedly "nothing really important in Marx can be found after the year 1848" (p. 187), while "communism" is characterized as "a transition disease" (p.193). In this formulation, we see, in embryonic form, Rostow’s first attempt to “biologise” social life, socio-economic-political phenomena and social sciences that is promoted later in his work: «Politics and the Stages of Growth», Cambridge 1971, p 410). In this book, a failed effort is made to revive certain old views on "biologisation" of social life, in other words Rostow searches for a "biological science of politics", promotes a "fusion" of "political science with psychiatry," and proclaims that "political science may be, at best, only a variant of biological science and art."

Besides the subjective-idealistic approach, the "scientific" value of Rostow's is such that he achieves the impossible: he includes in the concept of «traditional society» three (3) modes of production: the primitive communism, slavery and feudalism, while the two others, "capitalism" and "socialism-communism", are presented as variations of a "single industrial society". These are completely unfounded and unsubstantiated claims on a theoretical level. Worse still: they have no connection whatsoever with the actual historical development of society.

Nevertheless, Rostow’s book, bearing the characteristic subtitle “A non communist manifesto”, has been widely used by the international bourgeois-imperialist reaction to invalidate Marxism – it was showcased as a “counterweight” to the “Communist Manifesto” - and more specifically the Marxist theory of the development of social-economic formations. Even Rostow himself does not deny this fact when he writes that that the “stages” theory is “an alternative account to the Marxian theory of modern history”: “Alternative zu der Marxschen Theorie der modernen Geschichte” (p. 16), a view presented in the last chapter (p. 174-198). Needless to note that, despite the bourgeois reaction’s boasting that the theory of Rostow succeeds in "refuting" revolutionary Marxism, this extremely naïve and unreasonably ambitious endeavour is a grand fiasco and expresses the profound crisis of bourgeois "thought" in that historical period.

One of the earliest representatives of the theory of "convergence", the American economist Walter Buckingham: «theoretical economic system» (New York 1958), argues that the capitalist system has radically changed, the “non-capitalist systems are still present”, "and that in the future a "single economic system" will emerge through the mutual convergence of capitalism and socialism. In relation to the ongoing capitalist economic reforms in the Soviet Union, there was an article from the Executive-Director of the U.S. Congressional «Joint Economic Committee» Dr. Grover W. Ensley in 1957 – after coming back from Moscow where he met Soviet economists – with the feature title "The revolution in the economic thought of the Soviet Union" in which, among other things, he wrote that, according to Soviet economists, productivity growth will be achieved through the " Profit motiv" (in: «Nation's Business» 1/1957 and German: «Die Revolution im wirtschaftlichen Denken der Sowjetunion» in: «Konjunkturpolitik» 5-6/1957, pp. 301-314).

Pitirin A. Sorokin developed his views on the US-Soviet Union convergence in the sociological and cultural sector in his article «Soziologische und kulturelle Annaeherung zwischen den Verinigten Staaten und der Sowjetunion» (Zeitschrift fuer Politik » 4/1960, p.341)

Jan Tinbergen wrote his famous article in 1960 entitled: «Do Communist and Free Economies Show a Converging Pattern» (in: Soviet Studies, Vol. 12, Oxford 1960/61, p.333 and in German: «Kommt es zu einer Annaeherung zwischen den kommunistischen und den freiheitlichen Wirtschaftsordnungen?» in «Hamburger Jahrbuch fuer Wirtschafts-und Gesellschaftspolitik » (1963) pp. 11-20), where he put forward the view that both systems “change”, that “there are certain trends of convergent development”, and that “these changes involve, in certain respects, a convergent development”, “changes” that lead to a desired "optimal, mixed economic system". He had already published in 1959 his work entitled: «The Theory of the Optimum Regime» (in Jan Tinbergen: «Selected Papers», Amsterdam 1959) in which thoughts about a "perfect economic status" were developed for the first time. This was also argued in other articles later, including:: «Die Rolle der Planungstechniken bei einer Annaeherung der Strukturen in Ost und West», 1966, etc. Taking into account all the capitalist economic reforms implemented in the Soviet Union, Tibergen says in this article: "Since the objectives of social and economic policy of the West and the East - in my opinion – come ever closer to each other, and among many structures only one is excellent, the two structures will gradually fuse into this Optimum. This kind of convergence will be achieved through a better knowledge of the social forces and the application of planning techniques respectively". A year later, he wrote: "the systems of West and East are dynamic: they are undergoing constant changes ... generally these changes are converging, thus the differences between the two systems are reducing” (Jan Tinbergen: "Roads to the Ideal Socio-Economic System» in:« The Oriental Economist», February 1967, p.94).

The reactionary anti-communist theory of “convergence” presents three basic claims: a) a general claim according to which the two social-economic systems, “capitalism” and “socialism-communism” will “converge” in the future to form an alleged “unified” industrial system, b) one specific claim according to which Soviet Union’s “socialism” in the 1950’s and 1960’s borrows certain “elements” from capitalism (“profit”, “interest”, “capitalist price of production” etc) while the capitalism of the western countries borrows from “socialism” “elements” like “planning” leading to the convergence of the two systems towards each other that will result in the formation of a “joint” “capitalist-socialist” system(!) c) a second specific claim according to which this “unified-” economic system will constitute the future “ideal economic formation”(!).

A few short but essential comments that rebut the totally unfounded and unscientific claim of the reactionary bourgeois theory of “convergence” from the viewpoint of revolutionary Marxism, i.e. Leninism-Stalinism.

1. The theory of “convergence” is based on a subjective-idealist approach to the study of social-economic formations and on various unscientific views of vulgar bourgeois political economy that has lost its scientific character long time ago: i.e. “Thenceforth, the class struggle, practically as well as theoretically, took on more and more outspoken and threatening forms. It sounded the knell of scientific bourgeois economy. It was thenceforth no longer a question, whether this theorem or that was true, but whether it was useful to capital or harmful, expedient or inexpedient, politically dangerous or not. In place of disinterested inquirers, there were hired prize fighters; in place of genuine scientific research, the bad conscience and the evil intent of apologetic… It is a declaration of bankruptcy by bourgeois economy (Marx). And elsewhere: “vulgar bourgeois economy becomes more and more openly apologetic… Its last form is the professorial form… Such essays appear only when the course of political economy as a science has reached an end ,representing at the same time the grave of this science” (Marx).

These scientific evaluation from Marx allowed Rudolf Hilferding, when he was still a Marxist in the beginning of the 20th century, to conclude his very important polemical article «Boehm-Bawerks Marx-Kritik» (Marx-Studien, Wien 1904) with the famous sentence: “the last word of the bourgeois political economy is its self-annulment”: «diese oekonomische Theorie bedeutet die Leugnung der Oekonomie; das letzte Wort, das die buergerliche Nationaloekonomie dem wissenschaftlichen Sozialismus antwortet, ist die Selbstaufhebung der Nationaloekonomie».

2. The general claim about the “convergence” of the two social-economic systems, “capitalism” and “socialism-communism”, was a completely unfounded and arbitrary one – it can never be proved – because they are diametrically opposite systems. Each one has its own fundamental attributes in all sectors (economic, political and ideological) and develops according to its own objective laws both conforming to the inevitable general historical course of the replacement of capitalism from the classless communist society by means of a violent Proletarian Revolution. Moreover the assertion made by this reactionary theory regarding the “convergence” of the two diametrically opposite systems has also been refuted by the objective historical fact of the simultaneous presence of capitalism and socialism (the first stage of communism), during the existence of the latter for more than 35 years in the Soviet Union of Lenin and Stalin without being any sort of “convergence” between the two social-economic formations.

3. The first specific claim about the “convergence” between the “socialism” of the Soviet Union and the other eastern countries, during the Khrushchev-Brezhnev-Gorbachev period, with the capitalism of the western countries towards a “joint” unified system which would combine the positive features of “socialism” and “capitalism” was from the very beginning completely unfounded because what happened in reality was not the “exchange” of elements between one system and the other but, on the contrary, something totally different. And this was the restoration of capitalism, as confirmed by the subsequent historical course of the Soviet Union, with the introduction of capitalist features (“profit”, “interest”, “capitalist price of production”) in the socialist economy of the Soviet Union by means of the capitalist economic reforms that were implemented – after the death-murder of Stalin and the triumph of the Khrushchev’s revisionist counter-revolution – under the direct guidance of the bourgeois CPSU. The goal of these reforms was the elimination of socialism in the sphere of economy and the gradual restoration of capitalism that was completed in the middle 1960’s with the more comprehensive capitalist reforms approved by the Central Committee Plenum of CPSU in September of 1965. In the political level, the Proletarian Dictatorship had already been overthrown while in the ideological level, the bourgeois counter-revolutionary ideology of Krsushchevism was dominant. It was this restored capitalism that collapsed at the end of 1980’s (1990-1991) bringing about the complete and final dissolution of the imperialist Soviet Union.

4. In addition, the second specific claim made by the “convergence” theory about the formation of a “unified system” which would evolve to an “excellent economic system” was not only unfounded and unproved but it was consciously misleading because what happened was NOT the mutual approach between the economies of the capitalist countries and those of the revisionist countries to form a supposed “unified”, let alone “optimal”, economic system but, on the contrary, the inevitable regression of the Soviet Union to the capitalist exploitative system after the overthrow of the Dictatorship of the Proletariat, in 1953.

5. Because the reactionary and anti-communist “convergence” theory misleadingly regarded the restored capitalism of the Soviet Union of the Khrushchev-Brezhnev-Gorbachev period as “socialism”, it discredited the socialism-communism built in that country during the period of Lenin-Stalin – according to the Marxist conception of communism. Socialism-communism was thus presented as a system, which, not being able allegedly to work on its own basis and with its own economic laws, was compelled to “borrow” capitalist elements (“profit”, “interest”, “capitalist price of production”). In other words, it was presented as an allegedly “failed” and “bankrupt” economic system in an attempt to “prove” the nonexistent superiority of capitalism over socialism-communism.

6. By presenting the Soviet Union’s regression to capitalism as “socialism”, the “convergence” theory deliberately confused the communist viewpoint of the proletariat for many decades. Instead of communism, the proletariat was made to envision the exact opposite: the reactionary process of capitalist restoration as this was going on in the Soviet Union during that period (1953-1990).

7. The “convergence” theory denied the inevitable replacement of capitalism by socialism-communism and the laws underlying this change by attacking the Marxist theory of social development seen as a necessary succession of social-economic formations.

8. The “convergence” theory rejected the character of the 20th century as the historical era of transition from capitalism to socialism-communism. Instead, it adopted the unfounded claim that the 20th century was the era of the “unified industrial society” and the alleged “capitalism-socialism fusion”. Both had absolutely nothing to do with the reality of that historical period because the only thing that happened then – that was confirmed historically – was the return of the Soviet Union to capitalism.

Finally, by supporting the view that the two diametrically opposed social-economic systems were “approaching each other” and converged towards an “optimal economic system”, the “convergence” theory denied the irreconcilable contradiction between capitalism and socialism-communism and attempted without success to corroborate this arbitrary claim also made by the theory of “unified industrial society”, as formulated by one of its chief representatives, Raymon Aron, namely: to get around in advance the socialism-capitalism contradiction.

Closing, it is necessary to point out that the aim of this very short and incomplete article was not to shed light on all, or even most of, sides of the reactionary, anti-communist “convergence” theory but to show what is relevant to our main discussion, i.e. the concealment of the regressive process of capitalist restoration in the Soviet Union and the other eastern countries.

* The initial scientific prediction and the later evaluation made by the revolutionary Marxists, i.e. of Leninists-Stalinists regarding the return of the Soviet Union to capitalism from the time when the Dictatorship of the Proletariat was overthrown, after the death-murder of Stalin, was confirmed by: a) the complete restoration of capitalism in the middle of 1960’s and b) the subsequent overall historical course of the Soviet Union until the total collapse of the restored capitalism at the end of 1980’s and the final breakup of the Soviet Union (1990-1991).

** Like, for example, the Soviet L. Leontiev, (Moscow, 1972) who mentions: “an unprecedented exaltation of the convergence theory”, the East-German H. Meissner (Berlin-DDR, 1969): "It is not surprising that these views (he means concepts of the theory of "convergence") were endorsed by some socialist theorists whose Marxist foundation was not so stable ...", the Czechoslovak J. Filipec in: Freyer/Bossle/Filipec (Mainz 1966) and another Soviet, Lew Alter, who admits that the theory of “convergence” is based on new phenomena («Pr. d. Fr. u. d. S.», 9/1968).

*** The true historical course of the Soviet Union during the period 1953-1990 did not confirm any of the two bourgeois anti-communist theories, i.e. the theories of “convergence” and of “developed socialism” but, on the contrary, refuted both. Not only the claim that “socialism” was built in the Soviet Union during the Khrushchev -Brezhnev-Gorbachev period (1953-1990) but also the other claim that the soviet economy was “approaching” the economy of the Western capitalist countries both converging at an “optimal economic system”, collapsed “overnight” simultaneously with the fall and the final dissolution of the Soviet Union in 1990-1991 exactly because none of the two claims was realized. As mentioned before, what did happen was the return of the Soviet Union to capitalism, as predicted, albeit incompletely and along general lines, right from the beginning (since the middle 1950’s) by the revolutionary communists.

However, despite the complete refutation of these two reactionary anti-communist theories, the discussion about the causes that brought about the collapse of the Soviet Union – especially the discussion about the character of the post-1953 reforms, without which is obviously impossible to determine the nature of the soviet economy of that period – does not have only historical interest but it is entirely timely and of great importance for the correct orientation of the working and communist movement, i.e. for its socialist-communist prospect because it is directly related to the Marxist (or anti-Marxist) conception of socialism.

To be continued

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Sunday, September 01, 2013

Greek civil servants call 2-day strike September 18-19

Greece's main public sector trade union, ADEDY, launched a call Friday for a two-day strike in protest against job lay-offs included in an economic overhaul demanded by the country's creditors.

ADEDY, in a statement, criticised the government's "submission" to proposals from the European Union and International Monetary Fund that would "destroy the public sector and the welfare state".

The strike action was called for September 18 and 19.

The Movement for the Reorganisation of the KKE 1918-55 supports the strike and has released posters, flyers, etc. to support the struggle.

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The Awakening of the Struggle of the Peoples of Latin America and the Caribbean Demands a Revolutionary Leadership

Statement of the Meeting of Marxist-Leninist Parties of Latin America and the Caribbean

The Awakening of the Struggle of the Peoples of Latin America and the Caribbean Demands a Revolutionary Leadership

Latin America is the scene of a new wave of social protest. It is the response that the workers, the youth and the peoples are making to the unfulfilled promises, the anti-popular policies, the rampant corruption in the upper echelons of governments, the handing over of the natural resources to foreign capital, in short, to the old and new economic and political programs that seek to affirm the rule of capital.

The current struggle overcomes the temporary state of decreased level of struggle of the peoples that occurred, particularly in those countries in which the so-called "progressive" governments emerged that generated expectations and hopes that things would change in favor of the workers and peoples, but after a few years we are witnessing processes that show them to be instruments in the service of one or another bourgeois faction and of foreign capital.

Not surprisingly, we find a kind of political agreement among virtually all governments in the region in key aspects of economic and political management as well as on the implementation of tax measures that punish the working classes with direct and indirect taxes, the support of extractive industry as the way to obtain economic resources, the implementation of reforms in various spheres such as labor that aim to legalize mechanisms of capitalist super-exploitation and to affect the right of the workers to free trade union organization.

They also agree on the implementation of measures of social control, through judicial reforms and the adoption and implementation of laws that, in the name of public security, essentially aim at the criminalization of social protest.

Through clearly neoliberal programs in some cases, and through "progressives" social programs that even speak of revolution and socialism in others, the bourgeois factions in power are interested in pursuing a process of capitalist modernization in the region that would allow them to obtain higher levels of accumulation, and to count on better resources to intervene in the world capitalist market. In this process, we note the loss of political space by U.S. imperialism, which has traditionally considered Latin America and the Caribbean as its back yard, and we find the aggressive penetration of Chinese imperialist capital. Thus, in several countries, we are faced with a kind of renegotiation of foreign dependence.

In the midst of a severe economic crisis that shook the global economy, the countries in this region were able to avoid some of its effects due to high prices of raw materials produced here, as well as certain established tax policies that have allowed most of the governments to count on sufficient economic resources to develop a social and material project that, in the minds of broad sectors of the population, have created the fiction that we are indeed living in times of change, putting their spirit of protests and struggle to sleep.

However, this situation is changing. The repressed dissatisfaction and the desire for change in millions of workers, youths, women, peasants, etc. are making themselves felt and breaking out.

The struggle that the Brazilian youths and people have been carrying out these days, which in two weeks brought more than 2 million people into the streets and won victories in several states, shows us this. It is not the 20 cents [the increase in bus fare that sparked the Brazilian protests – translator’s note] that stimulates this whole fight! The people are fed up with corruption, low wages and the handing over of the oil resources to foreign capital; they want hospitals, jobs, schools and decent housing; they reject the policy of privatization; they repudiate the spending of millions of dollars on the World Cup from which small local groups and various foreign monopolies will reap huge profits. The youth took to the streets overcoming repression and the supposedly conciliatory discourse of the government and the warning to be careful because protest can lead to a coup and the right, by means of which the government wanted to prevent the right to protest.

For months, Chilean youth have been carrying on a massive and militant struggle. They are raising concrete demands around educational issues and at the same time they are clashing with the government of Sebastian Piñera. This fight has motivated other social sectors to fight for their own demands, causing a political crisis that forecasts the loss by the forces that are now in the government in the upcoming presidential election.

In Argentina the struggle of the urban and agricultural workers, the youth, the state employees and the unemployed is also gaining strength.

In several countries, such as Bolivia, Peru, Ecuador and Colombia the fights against the extractive policies, particularly against open pit and large-scale mining that cause enormous damage to nature and the peoples of these regions and are a source of millions in profits to foreign capitalist enterprises, are taking shape and gaining strength. They are also demanding better living conditions, access to health care, education, continuation of democratic rights and are condemning the criminalization of social protest.

In Central America, the struggles of the peasants and residents of popular neighborhoods (Honduras), of retirees (Nicaragua), of state employees (Costa Rica), etc. are also taking place.

In the Dominican Republic the struggle of teachers for the implementation of the state budget for education, as well as the popular mobilization against foreign mining companies that are taking the country's wealth, and against the scandalous corruption at the highest levels of government, stand out.

The teachers, the student youth and the workers of several state companies in Mexico have been at the head of major combat actions against both the current and the former government, pawns of the neoliberal IMF policies.

The political struggle in Venezuela, in which broad contingents of the masses are involved, is shown particularly in the defense of the gains achieved during the government of Hugo Chavez, in the confrontation with the right-wing that is trying to end the process taking place, and in the demand that deeper social and political measures be taken to benefit the workers and people.

The protest actions that are taking place in Latin America, together with those in Europe, in northern Africa and other parts of the world, show us a world in upheaval.

In these circumstances, we Marxist-Leninist communist parties present our policies and energies to build up revolutionary forces. In many of the fights described above we have been present, playing our role; however we are aware that we need to develop our abilities much further in order to lead those fights along the path that leads to the triumph of the revolution and socialism.

As a result of a major offensive promoted by imperialism, by various right-wing sectors, by revisionism and opportunism, the workers and peoples show a strong ideological acceptance that leads them to trust the discourse and social programs that do not go beyond the scope of reformism and bourgeois democracy.

We are working to reverse this situation and to win the masses towards revolutionary politics, to strategic proposals and those that we are putting forward in the present situation. For that purpose we will increase our efforts in propaganda actions and mass work.

We will continue fighting together with our people, contending for political leadership and directing them towards new, higher struggles for their material and political demands, against imperialist interference and in order to play the role of the basic revolutionary force to which history has entrusted them.

We will provide the force to the movement promoting its unity, both in the social and popular movement, as well as at the level of political organizations of the left.

Our commitment to the revolution and socialism raises the need for us to more rapidly achieve the strengthening and development of our party structure. The political circumstances demand from our organizations greater skill in developing policies that will be embraced by the masses, but we also need sufficient force for their materialization. We are working for this, in order to establish our position as revolutionary vanguard.

The workers and the people of the Americas and the world are challenging the rulers, they are seeking change, they are fighting for it; we Marxist-Leninists have the responsibility to fight together with them and lead these changes to fruition, to the triumph of the revolution and socialism.

Quito, July 2013

Revolutionary Communist Party (Brazil)
Communist Party of Colombia (Marxist-Leninist)
Communist Party of Labor – Dominican Republic
Marxist-Leninist Communist Party of Ecuador
Communist Party of Mexico (Marxist-Leninist)
Peruvian Communist Party (Marxist-Leninist)
Marxist-Leninist Communist Party of Venezuela

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Friday, August 30, 2013

The restoration of capitalism in the Soviet Union (1953-1990)

At "Unity and Struggle" issue 23 (November 2011) we published an article with the title The working class in the Khrushchev-Brezhnev period was no longer the owner of the means of production

At "Unity and Struggle" issue 24 (May 2012) we published the second part with the title In the commodity economy of the Soviet Union, labor power had been anew converted to commodity

At "Unity and Struggle" issue 25 (October 2012) we published the third part with the title The commodity economy of the Soviet Union in the Khrushchev-Brezhnev period: a complete and permanent capitalist economy / The capitalist economy of the Soviet Union in the Khrushchev-Brezhnev period in prolonged stagnation and deep crisis

At "Unity and Struggle" issue 26 (May 2013) we published the third part with the title The capitalist reforms in the Soviet Union and the bourgeois theories of “socialism”

Soon the fifth part will be published. The title is

Reactionary anti-communist bourgeois theories that conceal the restoration of capitalism in the Soviet Union (1953-1990)

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Anasintaxi 388 (1-31/7/2013)

201307

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