Saturday, September 06, 2014
Tuesday, September 02, 2014
Are the Popular Fronts Necessary?
By Raul Marcos
Member of the PCE/ML
The answer is a resounding YES. They are necessary and indispensable given the condition of oppression and exploitation, that are worsening, and which the people are suffering. The proletariat, with its party at the forefront, should be at the head of the popular masses, to organize and lead its struggles. It is not an easy task, but all difficulties can be overcome. For that to be, it is necessary to work to link up in a broad manner with the advanced masses, win their recognition.
The fundamental contradictions of the period in which we live and struggle, are perfectly defined: The contradiction between the proletariat and the bourgeoisie; the contradiction between capitalism and socialism; the contradiction between oppressed peoples and nations on the one hand and imperialism on the other; the contradiction among imperialist and financial powers. The last contradiction manifests itself in the local wars, the aggressions against the peoples, the disputes for geostrategic zones and the exploitation of the neo-colonies, the manipulation of the democratic and patriotic sentiments of the peoples. It is rapidly growing contradiction.
We live in the period which Lenin defined, but with new characteristics and forms. Presently, we see the expression of a tendency towards fascism as organized groups of neo-Nazis carry out actions in various countries, and this should concern us. In many cases they are protected by the governments (such is the case in Greece, Hungary, Spain, etc.) Power and state apparatus, with some exceptions, are in the hands of parties and governments which are reactionary and anti-popular. The big powers and their puppet governments speak of democracy, of human rights, of peace among the people…while they are savagely subjugating and exploiting the people who are oppressed, in many cases through force of arms.
This is a general situation, not in every country: in different grades and different forms and intensity, it is a general tendency. The communist parties must daily confront situations of repression, of struggles for social conquests, against laws which encroach and suppress labor and social rights which had been achieved through many decades of struggle.
In his report to the VII Congress of the Communist International (1935), and with a similar situation at hand, Dimitrov focused on the importance of creating popular fronts against the conditions which arose with the growth of Nazi-fascism (Italy, Germany, Portugal, Japan…). Despite the years which have passed and the events that have taken place, the report is still very relevant and can serve as a general orientation to parties. It is evident that the present circumstances are not the same as the 1930s. The context in which we live is very different from that period, and it is enough to recall the dismemberment of the Soviet Union, the opportunist degeneration of many of the parties then, and that today, with some rare exceptions, Marxist-Leninist parties are very weak, without much influence upon the broad masses.
The importance of Dimitrov’s writing is undeniable, yet we should keep in mind that the international situation is not the same, although there are problems of a similar nature, (which are reflected in the fundamental contradictions), and it is also necessary to act according to the particular circumstances of each country and party. The work of a front cannot be carried out in the same manner in every country, since we have to take into consideration the inevitable unequal development, of the political forces as well as the Party and of society itself. Its undeniable that we cannot compare the situation which Ecuador is living under (in all of the aspects pointed out), with that of Germany, for example, in Spain, in Denmark, Turkey, Morocco, France, Venezuela, etc. etc., there are different conditions and therefore, tactically there will be difference, secondary differences, but in the end differences.
Defending the importance and the present aspects of Dimitrov’s speech should not lead us to apply every detail each and every aspect which his text considers. To study, analyze and discuss the writings of great communist leaders, and Dimitrov is one of them, should not lead us to convert them into catechism, infallible doctrines, something which is opposed to the Marxist Leninist dialectic.
Each of our parties should consider these questions. There are no prefabricated answers. Only the dialectic examination, that is of the moment which can change from one day to the other, without separating ourselves from tomorrow’s strategy, the course of which cannot be predicted nor defined, will allow us to assume tactical positions and measures to confront and attempt to solve the problems.
The important thing is to keep in mind at all times the reality in which our parties live and evolve, work and struggle. Therefore, we must keep in mind a decisive fact: In almost all countries, with different levels of development, the working class is the most revolutionary and its advanced members are at the head of the struggles for justice. But the working class is not the only class exploited by capitalism. There are sectors of the small and middle bourgeoisie which also suffer oppression. And although its mentality is not that of the conscious proletariat, we should take into consideration those sectors and try to get closer to them. We should keep in mind that if the working class and its party do not try to unite the other working classes, including certain patriotic and democratic sectors of the middle classes, these could be manipulated by some faction of the bourgeoisie. Undoubtedly, the working class must win over, in the ideological and political combat, the role of vanguard of all those exploited and oppressed sectors and defend their demands.
This could be the basis for forging tactical, momentary alliances. But we should not confuse or counterpoise those tactical alliances of a given moment, to the strategic alliances. That is, we do not subject establishing strategic alliances to questions of the moment, circumstantial, but neither do we subject tactical alliances to the establishment of possible strategic alliances, so long as this does not imply the abandonment of essential questions. To be more clear: we should be vigilant so as not to confuse tactical or partial, or momentary alliances, in many cases local or of a city, region or province, including agreements with special sectors, but which cannot include the most advanced general sectors.
The Popular Front should respond to the general needs of the struggle, to political questions which are proposed, and above all, to mobilize the advanced masses to incorporate them into action.
The working class, theoretically the proletariat, should be the principal force of the Popular Front. It means that in practice it should also be the leading force. We should keep in mind that theory without practice is just empty words, and that practice without theory is like blindly striking out blows.
Given the broad political nature of the forces which become part of the Front, the Party should strive to be at the head, be the leader (in relative terms depending on the circumstances) so that the proletariat can exercise its influence as the main force. That leading role is not achieved by force of will, or by a decree, it must be won by the daily practice, by the clarity of our political proposals, with the respectful and faithful application of agreements.
If the party does not fulfill that role, in the long run it will be left behind the petit bourgeoisie and that would be a grave error. Here we should keep in mind the “Law of unity and struggle of opposites”.
This leads us to the question of the ideological independence of the Party. A Popular Front, built upon minimum agreements, (depending on the circumstances), cannot assume all our proposals. But that should not lead us to renounce our political and ideological positions. Within the framework of the tasks of the Front, communists are, and will be, very careful at the time of meeting our agreements even if these are not exactly what we would have preferred.
The policy of unity in any alliance, and also in the Popular Front, should not lead us to forget the class struggle. In fact, the alliances, agreements or tactical compromises with other political forces should help us to reinforce the strength of the Party and not the other way around. That is not always understood, so that if the Party, communists, become diluted as a result of some alliance, that would result in a grave weakening and possibly the disappearance of the Party.
With much ability and tact, and without prepotency or strange maneuvers, the Party should, as Lenin affirmed, lead everything. This forces us to carry out a clear labor which is sincere with the forces which make up the Front, to respect and meet the agreed upon commitments and programs, but without forgetting:
“…only the Party of the working class, that is, the Communist Party, is in the condition to bring together, educate and lead the vanguard of the proletariat and all the working masses, the only one capable to fight the inevitable petit bourgeois vacillations of the masses…” (Lenin, Project of resolution of the X Congress of the CPSU. Our underlines.)
We should be with the advanced masses, becoming more and better, mobilize in the heart of the Popular Front and in all the fronts created which include the masses. That requires defeating the relative weakness of the parties, (without forgetting the inevitability of unequal development), since without a strong party we can do very little; and it is also necessary to be conscious of the fact that regardless how big and powerful a Party may be, we will always be a minority in society:
“…Communists are drops in the ocean, drops in the ocean of the people”, but “without a party of the proletariat we cannot even consider the defeat of imperialism, in the conquest of the dictatorship of proletariat…” and also the Party “is the vanguard of a class and its duty is to guide the masses, and not to reflect the average mental state of the masses” Lenin affirmed sharply.
For communists it is a priority to carry out a constant and face-to-face work among the masses. But this must be well planned and we should not speak of the masses in a superficial way, without being precise: we should communicate with the advanced masses and keep in mind that there are various levels of understanding among them regarding the struggle. Dimitrov said that “Sectarianism manifests itself especially in the exaggerated appreciation of the revolutionarization of the masses…” and he quoted Lenin, “…it is about not considering that the masses have not surpassed what we have already surpassed.”
Lenin, like Stalin, Dimitrov, the great leaders, were constantly concerned about the work towards the masses. Lenin précised and warned:
“There is nothing more legitimate than to point out the constant and absolute need to deepen and broaden our influence over the masses, our rigorous Marxist propaganda and agitation, our approach to the economic struggle of the working class, etc. But precisely because it is legitimate to continually point this out, under any circumstance or situation, those guides cannot become special slogans, they cannot justify the attempts to base upon them a particular tendency of social democracy. There is a limit here, beyond which to convert these guides into a limitation which are undoubtedly necessary into something which hampers tasks and the advance of the movement, into something doctrinaire which relegates to the forgotten the political tasks which are essential and of the first order of the moment.”
“to broaden and amplify the influence over the masses whether after each victory or after a defeat, in moments of political gridlock as well as in stormy revolutionary periods, and precisely because of that, of the indication to realize that work we should not convert it into a special slogan without the risk of falling into demagogy and contempt of the advanced class, the only one which is really revolutionary.” (Confusion Between Politics and pedagogy. 1905)
To overestimate the role of the masses is as dangerous as to underestimate it, since both errors misrepresent the role of the Communist Party. This also has to do with the Popular Front since its work is oriented towards precisely to the popular masses. One of the conditions for considering an alliance as a Popular Front is that it include, as a minimum sectors of the exploited and oppressed classes whether they are organized or not organized.
It is necessary to pay attention, so as not to confuse, in all our activity, the Leninist Communist Party, leader of the proletariat, of the advanced sectors of the working class, with the “mass party” which is amorphous and includes the revisionists and right-wingers of every type. There exists a demarcation line which must not be underestimated. For communists, what we define as “mass line” is to implement outside of the Party our politics and proposals in a manner which is decisive and capable. We should not limit ourselves just to our own members and intimate friends.
It is important to have a clear understanding of the lines of demarcation between Marxist Leninists and opportunists, Khrushevites, Maoists, including those who preach socialism of the 21 century. Does this mean that we should not have agreements, compromises, and unity pacts with all those who do not share our principles? Clearly, not! If we only unite with those who share our ideas and principles, we would not be talking about alliances, of popular fronts, etc. we would only be talking of unity with communists. And that is a different problem.
Presently, many of our parties have a problem which is a history of weak organizing, which is trying to fulfill the role of leaders. This is not achieved through decrees; there are no magic formulas. That will be achieved, depending upon the circumstances, through our work and dedication. Alliances are proposed to us, tactical agreements, etc. with other political forces or groups. We are not in a situation in which we can impose our position. However, we should not refuse the offer because of that. On the contrary, we should participate loyally in the discussions, present our political proposals; we should discuss and confront opinions and little by little go about winning political and ideological space.
A very simple question, but which we do not always have in mind, is that alliances of broad fronts are not meant to last forever. They must be seen as developing; there are no static alliances; what today we propose and approve as just and valid, can stop being so in another moment.
The Popular Front is created depending upon the circumstances and we do not create circumstances; we find ourselves in them and we must assume them always having in mind the evolution of these circumstances, and as Dimitrov warns with a great deal of reason: “…it is particularly dangerous to confuse wishes with realities, we must start from reality, from the actual situation, concretely.”
The Popular Front is an important task which must be considered under all circumstances in which the political struggle is developing; it is not an option, it is a necessary task. To promote it and to advance in completing that task, the revolutionary party of the proletariat must elaborate a correct revolutionary policy which takes into consideration concrete conditions and always keeping in mind the strategic objectives. The application of that policy depends not only on its correctness, but also on the potential of the Party, of its forces. A just and correct revolutionary policy can remain as a proposal if there is not a firm decision to carry it out with the advanced sectors of the masses.
The experience of the MCI, leads us to seriously consider the danger of deviations which can occur. Generally, the existing opportunism has been and is, of the right. But we cannot forget that there is also an opportunism of the left; both are particularly harmful to the work of a broad front. It is convenient to remember Marx’ warning in his Critique of the Gotha Program: “no horse trading with the principles.”
Right-wing opportunism tends to appear with the following expressions or characteristics: make concessions of principles in order to make allies; reduce the level of the struggle for fear of the enemy; lag behind the level of consciousness of the masses instead of going in front of them; exaggerate the importance of national or regional peculiarities without taking into account the general principles; and liberalism in matters of organization, of which the most dangerous is to hide the Party as if it did not exist. We should always keep Lenin in mind: “Make agreements in order to advance the practical objectives of the movement, but do not betray the principles.” (What is to be Done?)
Opportunism of the left has the following main characteristics: the false criteria of all or nothing; not knowing how to make the needed concessions and the useful compromises for the development of work; no knowing how to adapt Marxism-Leninism to the particular conditions of the reality in which we live, allowing us to be influenced by the experiences of others, which leads to not knowing how to adapt or to making mistakes about the level and forms of the struggle and the objective conditions of the masses; in adopting rigid criteria in matters of organizing.
In his Misery of Philosophy, Marx criticized opportunism. To quote the young Marx: “ Et propter vitam vivendi perdere causas”, in other words, “And to [conserve] life, we lose the causes [that are the reason] for living.”
Let’s not forget this old lesson.
Saturday, August 16, 2014
EMEP: PEOPLES OF TURKEY SAID; ‘PEACE AND DEMOCRACY’
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PEOPLES OF TURKEY SAID; ‘PEACE AND DEMOCRACY’ | |
12 August 2014 |
We have just had the elections for the President of the republic - the second of three important elections - and the analysis of the results from all different perspectives will follow. The election process has been without regard for basic democratic criteria from the beginning and Prime Minister Erdoğan won with a 51.8% majority. AKP and its supporters are trying to show this as a victory confirming that the only choice for the country is AKP. The CHP voters protesting their party’s choice by not voting and other voters boycotting the elections contributed to Erdoğan receiving the critical level of vote that was enough to win this election. This is by no means an absolute victory for Erdoğan. The improvidence and the boycott of the elections by some left sections have handed the presidency to Erdoğan.
Considering that during the local elections it was mostly Erdoğan rather than his candidates that fronted the campaigns, there is no significant increase in the votes he received. Erdoğan secured an arithmetical rather than a political victory, using the advantages of being in office; using the resources of government finances, governors, district governors, local authorities, businessmen, media, etc. For this reason, the Presidency he narrowly secured might be legal but does not ensure legitimacy in the public eye.
The candidacy of İhsanoğlu, supported by the CHP-MHP political front but in reality representing the same ideological origin as Erdoğan, failed to meet the demands of the public. It has been proven that the tactics of “unity against Erdoğan, no matter what” has no significance in politics, that the formula is wrong.
Co-chair of HDP Selahattin Demirtaş has, representing democratic and peaceful organisations in these elections, without a doubt doubled votes received in local elections. This has shown that with his political line in supporting the workers’ and the public’s demand of democracy, peace and freedoms, Demirtaş has met the public demand to become a political agent. Demirtaş’s success in receiving votes very close to the threshold is a result of the efforts for democracy and peace by the workers’ movement over the years, and the result has increased the responsibilities of this movement.
The massacres, agitated sectarian conflicts and identity issues in the Middle East have created a greater need both to strengthen the anti-war movement and to increase solidarity among the nations of the region. It is not possible for any other party or constitution to show a tendency to solve these issues.
On the other hand, the problems faced by all identities and sections of society, denounced by problems in the workplace, assimilated, ignored and oppressed are intertwined. The possibilities for candidates and parties with real and clear solutions to problems of the public have been demonstrated to all political parties by the level of votes received by Demirtaş.
The liberal-conservative policies of AKP government and the new President Erdoğan seem likely to persist on enslaving workers, spoiling natural and historical treasures, continuing inequality and increasing pressure on women and reactionary ignorance of identities and beliefs. From this perspective, the duty to unite and develop the struggles of all the oppressed and exploited sections of the society is still very current.
In short, the message from this election has been to continue the struggle. We call on all workers, peace and democratic forces to unite and struggle together.
Selma GÜRKAN
President
Saturday, June 28, 2014
Imperialists and your henchmen: Get your filthy hands out of the Middle East!
Imperialists and your henchmen:
Get your filthy hands out of the Middle East!
The tribulations and problems have not ceased in the Middle East since the occupation of Iraq and Afghanistan by the U.S. Currently a terrorist organization called "Islamic State of Iraq and the Levant" (ISIL) continues its expansion that began in Fallujah. This organization is causing the sudden exile of thousands from Mosul, and the massacre of dozens of people; it has organized the occupation of the Turkish Consulate General and taken employees hostage. Now ISIL is at the gates of Kirkuk[1] and is threatening Baghdad.
The ISIL is an organization similar to Al Qaeda and Al Nusra[2] manipulated by the U.S. to overthrow the Assad regime in Syria. Supported both logistically and militarily by Saudi Arabia, Kuwait and Turkey, they feel protected and carry out terrorist activities in the Kurdish region of Rojava, in northern Syria. For some time, the imperialists have been trying to reshape the Middle East in order to implement their policy and seize oil sources. To achieve its objectives, they use all kinds of tricks to provoke the animosity and rivalry between different communities and nations in the region. Faced with Syria, Iran and Hezbollah in Lebanon, called by the imperialists the "Shiite axis of evil," they are trying to form, together with Turkey and the Persian Gulf countries, including Saudi Arabia, the "Sunni Half Moon," which constitutes the basis of violent clashes between communities in the region. In Iraq, the policies of the Al Maliki government, which does not recognize the right to existence of the other communities, has not succeeded in imposing itself on the country, ruined after the withdrawal of the U.S. troops.
ISIL, armed by Turkey, and indeed considered an ally and pushed to open a new road into Syria, is the result of a consistent policy of deepening the differences between communities to make them a source of animosity and confrontation among them. ISIL thrives in the vast field opened up by the reactionary policy carried out by imperialism and the Turkish government.
Iraq is now divided into three parts among Sunnis, Shiites and Kurds. The problem is much broader than an internal matter of Iraq, and has become a global problem; in the Middle East, it is headed toward an inevitable confrontation between the superpowers, which will proceed to a division of spheres of influence in that region.
After the attack by ISIL on the Turkish Consulate in Mosul, in which all those present were taken hostage, the statement of the Foreign Minister of Turkey affirming that these people "are not hostages” involuntarily recognized the existence of relations between the Turkish government and this terrorist organization. The rumors that the National Intelligence Agency of Turkey (MIT) had received information about the attack on the consulate, show that the Turkish government is colluding with the criminal terrorist organization.
The Turkish government has a great responsibility for the worsening situation of growing chaos in Iraq, which will inevitably the entire region. It has intrigued behind the backs of its neighbors to become a regional power; it has become a bully against its neighboring countries; it incites one against the other and continually threatens Alawite citizens in Turkey; it has done everything possible to inflame the war in Syria.
The imperialist policy in Iraq is the path to a new war. The most important demand of the peoples in the region today is peace and democracy; however, this will never be the goal of the United States of America, of Turkey or of the other reactionary states.
Currently the condition for a true peace is the collective building of democracy for the peoples so that they can govern themselves by expelling the oppressive dictators together with their allies and the U.S. A new order built on a true secularism that guarantees fraternity between the different religious beliefs can be an alternative to the policy that incites the peoples to destroy each other in the order imposed by the U.S., an order based on chaos.
Down with imperialism! Long live the brotherhood among the peoples!
International Conference of Marxist-Leninist Parties and Organizations
June 2014
[1] Kirkuk is one of the principal oil centers in Iraq. The Kurds are strongly established in the region and presently occupy the territory.
[2] Al Nusra, an organization similar to Al Qaeda, was formed in 2012, and operates in Syria and Lebanon.
Tuesday, June 24, 2014
Greetings to the 4th Congress of the Workers' Party (Tunisia)
Dear comrades,
on behalf of the Greek revolutionary communists we salute your Congress that convenes at a critical period for the struggle of the Tunisian people and wish you every success in its work.
With revolutionary communist greetings,
The PC of the Movement for the Reorganization of the Communist Party 1918-1955
Friday, May 30, 2014
On the European Elections
The European elections in Greece were held under conditions of austerity , mass unemployment , people's misery and enhanced national dependence on the imperialist centers and multinationals. In this election , abstention remained stable at a high percentage (over 42 %) .
The accumulated resentment , social protest and anger against government policies and government parties (ND : 22.7 % , PASOK : 8% , etc) expressed in electoral victory of SYRIZA (26.5 %). But this victory was neither a corresponding mass social protest or sweeping.
SYRIZA supported and supports the policy of theory of "a better EU nations " and thus initiated and election .
The party of "K" KE got low percentages (6.1 %) confirming the deadlocks of it general disruptive and decadent presence.
Particularly worrying is the stabilization of the nazi-fascist Gold Dawn, which got a significant proportion (9.4 % ) and became the third party of these elections.
It should be noted and appreciated that politically; due to the line of compromise and sectarianism of the " left " parties essentially not entered strongly in the election process the central problem of Greece: the enhanced dependence on the imperialist centers : the EU, the Eurozone and the euro .
The Movement for the Reorganization of the Communist Party (1918-1955) called for a boycott of the elections simultaneously displaying the slogan of DIRECT WITHDRAWAL of Greece from Euro - EMU -EU emphasizing the struggle against imperialist dependence, fascism , racism and nationalism.
Thursday, May 29, 2014
Statement on the 20th Anniversary of the International Conference of Marxist-Leninist Parties and Organizations
In the 21st century the world continues to be divided. The contradiction between Labor and Capital in all spheres is the division that reflects the antagonism between labor and the increasing socialization of production on the one hand, and the capitalist character of appropriation that is increasingly concentrated in a handful of people on the other hand.
Scientific and industrial forces have emerged that were unimaginable fifty years ago; production has been mechanized to an extraordinary degree, technology, communications and computers have spread widely for social and individual use. However, everything carries its opposite with it, the despair caused by capitalism has reached very serious levels; the signs of decay have evolved parallel to the accumulation at a level that exceeds the final periods of the Byzantine Empire.
In 2008, the global crisis of capitalism, which many countries are still suffering from, is trying to make the broad masses of the exploited pay for the crisis, the masses who have experienced that capitalism is the social organization characterized by "poverty within wealth." To make the popular strata pay for the crisis further aggravates the disastrous consequences of capitalism: the mechanization of the labor process, the increase of exploitation, including the decrease in real wages, the explosion of poverty and famine, injustice and inequality, begging, drugs, prostitution, etc.
It is impossible to accept, bear or ignore this division of the world and the growing discontent and exasperation that leads the exploited masses in various countries to rebel. This situation is evident in Greece, Portugal, Spain, Tunisia, Egypt, Turkey, Brazil, etc.
The antagonism between capital and labor is not the only reason for the division of the world. There is the contradiction between a minority of rich capitalist countries and imperialist States, and the backward peoples and countries, oppressed and exploited politically, economically and financially, which are the majority. The big imperialist States, which have created international organizations such as the European Union, the Free Trade Agreements, NATO and the United Nations, touted as the "international community," plunder the natural resources of the oppressed peoples and do not tolerate the possibility of their self-determination. This is the case of Africa which they are exhausting, or the Amazon which they are destroying, or the occupation of Afghanistan, Iraq, Libya, Syria. etc.
Another field of conflict and contradictions is the confrontation between the international monopolies and imperialist countries among themselves, which is expressed mainly in the formation and reformation of economic and military blocs, in the establishment of military bases on the five continents. In the dispute over who will dominate and plunder certain regions, the imperialist countries clash with each other harshly. To gain control of these regions, they incited national quarrels to obtain the support of the oppressed peoples. These internal struggles that are provoked and lead to military conflicts as has been seen in Ukraine and Syria, show that the imperialist confrontations are being aggravated.
In the 1990s the capitalists and their lackeys proclaimed "the end of history," "the eternity of capitalism" and a "new world order"; they proclaimed a peaceful, prosperous society, without crises, built on a "self-regenerated capitalism," based on a "capitalist globalization" that would be built "superseding classes and the class struggle." However it is not prosperity but misery that is being aggravated. Instead of peace there is war and coups, the loss of credibility of the dictatorships that we have experienced in the past decades.
No, capitalism cannot propose to the workers who subsist on their labor power in the factories and offices; to the unemployed and the poor of the cities and the countryside, neither a job nor a decent wage, neither peace nor prosperity nor security in the future. To obtain all these it is necessary to encourage the workers and other working people to revolt and overthrow the power of capital.
From the struggle of the slaves against the slave masters, in all societies that have been the scene of class struggle, the struggle has been resolved by the seizure of power by one class of oppressors over another. Capitalism has developed the forces of production to such a degree that it cannot maintain itself without cutting or changing property relations. Moreover, capitalism continually develops the working class, increasingly socializing it. Thus it has created the social conditions in which the power of an exploited class can replace that of the exploiting class. This historical and social evolution determines the historic mission of the working class, the seizure of power to create a transitional period towards socialism with the aim of expropriating the expropriators, abolishing classes and relations of class exploitation.
The working class demonstrated against capitalist tyranny for the first time in the 19th century with the rebellions that took place throughout the European continent, and the seizure of power in France in the Paris Commune for a short period in 1871. Then there was the overthrow of the power of the capitalist class in Russia with the Great October Revolution of 1917, when it organized as the ruling class to build the Soviet Union and took giant steps for half a century toward the abolition of the exploitation of man by man.
We, the Marxist-Leninist parties and organizations of the world, united in the International Conference (ICMLPO), on the occasion of the 20th anniversary of our Organization, call on the working class of the world, the oppressed peoples, the youth of all countries to unite against the international bourgeoisie and imperialism, and so to strengthen the struggle for liberation.
The world, divided between exploiters and exploited, between imperialist masters and oppressed peoples, is moving towards a new period of rebellions and revolutions.
Capitalism has nothing to offer the exploited masses; it has matured conditions more than in any other period of history, the prelude to socialism. Speaking of maturity, we must use that term both quantitatively and qualitatively for the working class and other working people, which are further consolidating their positions in order to strengthen their organizations in all countries if they draw upon their own experiences of both trade-union and political struggle, especially of the massive struggles in many countries.
Even if the revolutions have been manipulated in countries such as Tunisia and Egypt, the future belongs to the working class and other working people of the world who are accumulating rich experiences in order to continue advancing.
The experiences of the revolutionary waves and of the national and social struggles of all countries of the world show that we can move forward to victory, and now with more strength and force. Our struggles for national and social liberation will take particular forms and will follow different roads depending upon the country; they will have an internationalist character by their content, being components of a single process of the world proletarian revolution.
All this demands from us the responsibility to consolidate and strengthen our unity and organization both nationally and internationally.
Socialism will win!
Long live internationalism!
Workers and oppressed peoples of the world, unite!
INTERNATIONAL CONFERENCE OF MARXIST-LENINIST PARTIES AND ORGANIZATIONS
May 1, 2014
Friday, May 16, 2014
Labour Party (EMEP), Turkey: About the Mine Massacre in Turkey
The reason for the
Soma Massacre is the insatiable indulgence in exploitation by the bosses
284 miners have lost their lives in Soma, Manisa in a mine owned by Soma Coal Inc. The death toll is expected to rise and there is a high number of casualties.
We send our condolences to the working class and the families of the deceased, and wish a speedy recovery to the injured.
We cannot call what happened in Soma an accident like the Government representatives are trying to. On the contrary, not an accident or fate this is a real massacre!
According to figures, during the 12 years of AKP rule, over 14.000 workers have lost their lives. The Soma Massacre has become the pinnacle of these murders.
All these murders are a result of an anti-labour a policy. The neo-liberal policies by the AKP government, as well as those before them; privatisation, subcontracting, increased workload with reduced number of workers, increased exploitation in the name of improved performance; these are all reasons for these murders.
A motion to set up a ‘Committee of Investigation’ due to frequent deaths at Soma Coal Inc., put forward by MPs from the political parties of CHP, MHP and BDP, was defeated in the Parliament (TBMM) by AKP MPs votes only 20 days ago.
The parliamentary question by HDP Istanbul MP Levent Tuzel was practically dismissed by the relevant ministry, stating that workplaces are regularly inspected.
The managers at the mine where the Soma Massacre took place have praised the virtues of privatisation, enabling them to reduce the price of coal by 60%. This must be how the cost of coal must be reduced! Reducing the number of workers, increasing workload, getting rid of experienced workers to replace them with cheaper, less experienced workers, employing ignorant, inexperienced workers through sub-contractors, preventing unionisation and depriving workers of their basic rights, reducing expenditure on security in the name of reducing costs, breaching worker security and health regulations, close relations with the ruling party leading to avoiding inspections, etc.; these are the practices they boast about in the name of cost reduction and they led to this blatant massacre.
Murders at work and this last massacre obviously are not fate.
Murders at work will stop only when the bosses drive for profit and indulgence in exploitation stops. Our party is working to end the system of exploitation.
We are very sorry for the worker friends we have lost. The best thing we can do for them now is to unite against exploitation and raise the struggle against it.
We call on the government to give up policies that are against workers.
The Energy and Natural Resources Minister and the Work and Pensions Minister should be the first to immediately resign. Those responsible should be sentenced and given the severest sentences.
The legislation, currently inadequate to secure worker health and security, should be reviewed; workplaces should be inspected by experts on workplace security. Serious penalties should be introduced for bosses of companies that do not meet the necessary worker security and health measures.
We call on workers and unions to protest the Soma Massacre with strikes and rallies. We should not let such a massacre be swept under with messages of condolences. As a country, it is the right time to reach for the switch and stop life in order to prevent such future massacres.
Labour Party (EMEP), Turkey
Wednesday, May 14, 2014
“The Party of Labour of Iran (Toufan)” and “The Marxist-Leninist Organization of Toufan-Rahe Ayandeh” have united
Dear Comrades, Communists, Workers, and Fellow Iranians!
In the following statement, we inform all Marxist-Leninists, the working class, and the people of Iran that the two organizations of “The Party of Labour of Iran (Toufan)” and “The Marxist-Leninist Organization of Toufan-Rahe Ayandeh” have united. Both of these organizations reached agreement on all the following points after necessary discussions and an exchange of points of views. We circulate this statement among the sympathizers of the emancipation of the working class and those who sincerely wish to eliminate class oppression and exploitation. We offer our unified action as a positive example from which they can gain experience.
We hope this joint effort inspires those who have love for and consider communism as the ideal of human emancipation.
The Party of Labour of Iran (Toufan) and the Marxist-Leninist Organization of Toufan-Rahe Ayandeh, in their 35-year activities and historical developments and in their separate paths of struggles for the same goal, have gained a variety of positive and negative experiences. Based on the lessons of these experiences, they were able to join for a common struggle and have reached ideological-political-organizational unity on the basis of the Program and Constitution of the Party of Labour of Iran as the single party of the working class of Iran.
After many years of militant struggles and through the evaluation of each other’s documents and central organs, both organizations have reached the conclusion that their attitudes towards the events and surrounding phenomenon were generally based on dialectical materialism and were consistent in their entirety throughout all ideological and political arenas. Therefore their separation is unnatural, unjustifiable, and irresponsible. They therefore decided to put an end to this division.
Both organizations are of the opinion that unity in a working class party is not based on petty, daily details. The fundamentals of unity in a communist organization are based on Marxist-Leninist ideology, revolutionary action for the emancipation of the working class from the ruling capitalists, and Leninist organizational principles.
Unity with the single party of the working class must be formed on the basis of determinative, substantial, and major issues that express the nature of the organizations. The minor controversial issues should be investigated within the framework of the party and be resolved in the service of the party and in accordance with and respect for Leninist organizational principles. In resolving controversial issues, the emphasis should be placed on the importance of the principal issues the party is based on, and on resolving the part in the service of the whole in accordance to the principle of “unity-criticism-unity.” In this process, the struggle is carried out with the motivation of strengthening party unity. Healthy inner-party struggle shows the liveliness of the party and demonstrates the democratic nature of inner-party relations. This democratic inner-party struggle further strengthens the party.
The Party of Labour of Iran (Toufan) and the Marxist-Leninist Organization of Toufan-Rahe Ayandeh, in daily struggles and in attracting the conscious elements of the working class, have always declared their deep beliefs and loyalties to the leadership role of the party of the working class and to the principles of Leninist party discipline. They base their beliefs on the historical experience that all organizations and individuals who believe in Marxism-Leninism, in the October Socialist Revolution, and in the construction of socialism in USSR by Comrade Lenin and Stalin can and must unite in a single organization. Their effort to resolve the differences must have perspective and a target, and must be in the service of further strengthening of the party of the working class. The party of the working class manifests the historical memory and achievements of the class, inspires the continuation of the class struggles, and is the subjective factor in ending division in the class. The party carries out a ceaseless struggle against bourgeois and petty-bourgeois ideologies, against anarcho-syndicalism, against trailing behind the “mass of workers,” and against economism. The Party shows that the distorted theory of “Emancipation of the working class by its own hands”; that is, emancipation without the subjective factor of consciousness and without the need for the leadership of the Party, is one of the “worker-worship” tricks used by the bourgeoisie in its ideological struggles against the working class. It is only through such struggles that the Party can put an end to dispersion, to the escaping-discipline attitudes, and to the fascination with individualism. The struggle against division and dispersion must pass through putting emphasis on the significance of the leading role and the leadership function of the Party, through spreading belief in organizational discipline, through advocating loyalty to the Party, and through showing the path of unity drawn by the conscious sector of the working class. Only this planned, conscious, well-thought, and targeted struggle, together with feelings of communist responsibility, is the remedy to end division and dispersion.
The party of the working class must be the manifestation of the ideological firmness and political independence of the class. Also, it must put the organizational unity of the class in order by fighting against petty-bourgeois thoughts and tendencies that are designed to cause division. The existence and activity of the party are the necessary conditions to end division and dispersion. The party is the conscious, subjective factor that holds high the banner of the fight against division and dispersion, and therefore, it cannot surrender to the condition of ideological, political, and organizational dispersion. The party, as the conscious factor, must rise up against the spirit of petty-bourgeois divisionism and dispersion and put its stamp on the removal of dispersion and its consequences that have damaged Iran’s communist movement since the rise of revisionism.
Consequently, the two organizations, feeling responsible for the communist and worker movements in Iran, have reached organizational unity on the basis of ideological-political-organizational communist principles, and concretely, on the basis of the political line and Program and the Constitution of Party of Labour of Iran. The two organizations call on all those who sincerely wish the emancipation of the working class to overcome their hesitation and join us in this common path with the feeling of communist responsibility and with the rich and precious experiences they have gained in their struggles.
Long Live Marxism Leninism !
Long Live Freedom, Independence, Democracy, and Socialism !
“ The Party of Labour of Iran (Toufan)”
“ The Marxist –Leninist Organization of Toufan-Rahe Ayandeh”
May 1, 2014
Thursday, May 01, 2014
Toufan: Long Live May 1st, the Harbinger of the Spring of the Working Class Liberation!
Long Live May 1st, the Harbinger of the Spring of the Working Class Liberation!
If the workers put a stop to work, the world will go into disarray.
Comrade Workers,
May Day, the day of unity and solidarity of the workers of the world, is coming in a situation in which the US imperialists, with or without agreement of the UN Security Council, are continuing their aggression against smaller nations. The imperialists have created a situation resembling the era of old colonialism. They recognize neither the self-determination nor the independence of the nations, nor do they value the territorial integrity of other countries. The imperialists do not recognize any international treaty that opposes or restricts their interests. They occupy smaller countries, invade their airspace, assassinate their civilians, and do not feel accountable to anyone. The US imperialists want to impose on the world the ratified decisions of the US Congress. The imperialists keep all the official payments and foreign exchanges under their control in order to bully smaller nations. Iraq, Afghanistan, Syria, Libya, Palestine, … are victims of the imperialist criminal policies.
Comrade Workers,
Today’s crisis in Ukraine has root in the expansion of the western imperialist influence in regions dominated by the former super power Soviet Social Imperialism. The western imperialists are trying to siege Russia, to expand NATO, to plunder the vast raw resources of Russia through military and economic pressure, and to encircle China. The Russian imperialists do not easily surrender to this threat and resist against the western free trade regions and World Trade Organization by forming its own block, a union of countries with duty free trade relations. In today’s world, the western imperialism is the most dangerous and offensive imperialism that threatens the world peace. It is the duty of all workers and the people of the world to put a bridle on the international cannibalism which is counter-part of terrorism and fascism.
Comrade Workers,
In Iran, President Rouhani, who took office through the Supreme Leader’s carefully engineered elections, will not and cannot remove any of thousands of pains and sufferings the Iranian masses are going through. In Iran, only the supporters of the regime have all the “democratic rights”. The other forces; nationalists, liberals, social democrats, communists, trade unionists and other activists have no freedom or democratic rights, and furthermore, they lack any security. The regime of the Islamic Republic assassinates, tortures, and imprisons them. Due to the pressure from imperialist powers and due to the dissatisfaction of the Iranian masses because of unemployment, corruption of the authorities, scandals, inflation, etc. the regime of the Islamic Republic has surrendered to the imperialist powers. The regime of the Iran that has more fear from the struggle of the Iranian people for their rights than the imperialists has no choice except to surrender to the imperialist pressures. Any regime that does not rely on the masses to fight against the imperialist sanctions and threats is doomed to defeat. A regime that does not recognize the rights of the masses has no base to fight the foreign imperialist enemies.
The secret negotiations between the USA and Iran have started during Ahmadinejad presidency, since 2011, and have nothing to do with Rouhani taking office. The secret agreements are not only on “atomic crisis” but they are on a package that includes: the foreign policy of Iran in the region and the world, providing the conditions for Iran to join WTO and accepting the domineering conditions of the World Bank, the liberalization of Iranian economy, privatization of Iran’s national resources, elimination of all subsidies and social services, and to create a class of deprived citizens who are even needy of bread so that they work in harsh conditions for the imperialist investments. Rouhani government of “Key and the Plan of Action” provides conditions for this slavery. And this requires the extreme suppression of the working class.
The Party of Labour of Iran (Toufan) strongly condemns the suppression of the Iranian people by regime of the Islamic Republic. We condemn arbitrary detention and imprisonment of the worker-activists and demand the immediate and unconditional freedom for all the activists and political prisoners.
The Party of Labour of Iran (Toufan) supports the struggle of the workers and toilers against privatization and collective layoffs and for the payment of their delayed wages, for increase wages, for the formation of independent syndicates, etc.
Comrade Workers,
The remedy to the problems facing the working class is unity and organization. Only through united struggles against imperialism and capitalism the working class can achieve their just demands. Only through a revolution lead by the party of the working class, only through a socialist revolution, we will be able to eliminate poverty, unemployment, inflation, and exploitation and to build a society in which people live free and hopeful for future.
Hail May 1st. the International Working Class Day !
Greetings to the Militant Working Class of Iran !
Free all the Worker-activists from the Prisons of the Islamic Republic of Iran !
For Toppling the Capitalist Regime of the Islamic Republic of Iran by the Hands of Iran’s Workers and Toilers !
Long Live Proletarian Internationalism !
Long Live Socialism !
The Party of Labour of Iran (Toufan)
April 2014
Wednesday, April 16, 2014
The life of the worker-activist Shahrokh Zamani is in Danger!
All the worker-activists must be released immediately and unconditionally from the prison of the Islamic Republic of Iran !
Dear comrades,
The criminal regime of the Islamic Republic of Iran has intensified the repression of all the worker-activists, particularly, of Shahrokh Zamani.
Shahrokh Zamani, a house-painting worker, a labour activist, a member of the “Founding Committee of House-Painting Workers’ Union of Tehran” and a member of the “Follow-up Committee to form Independent Worker Syndicates”, has been on hunger strike since March 8, 2014. Shahrokh was arrested in the city of Tabriz on June 7, 2011 and has been in detention since then. He was sentenced to 10 years of imprisonment with the charge of joining opposition groups, and another year with the charge of propaganda against the Islamic regime. The regime of the Islamic Republic has transferred him from a notorious prison to another, Tabriz, Yazd, and Gohardasht and more recently to Ghezelhesar in the city of Karaj.
Shahrokh Zamani, in support of and together with his co-workers and labour activist who were protesting their harsh conditions in Gohardasht prison, went on hunger strike on March 8, 2014. Three days later, on March 11, he was transferred to Ghezelhesar prison, a prison housing only inmates charged with drug-related crimes. He has been on hunger strike for more than 5 weeks and has lost more than 20 kilos. His life is in serious danger and the authorities of the Islamic Republic of Iran have not paid any attention to his life-threatening condition.
The Party of Labour of Iran (Toufan) strongly condemns the mistreatment of Shahrokh Zamani and the arrest and imprisonment of the labour activists who struggle for their just and basic rights. Once again, we express our utmost disgust and outrage for the capitalist and unpopular regime of Iran. Workers have the right to fight for their deprived rights and to form their independent organisations. Any attempt to restrain the legitimate activities of the working class must be condemned by all the wage labourers and progressive forces domestically and around the world. Our Party takes the regime of Iran responsible for the well being of Shahrokh Zamani and other activists. The suppression of the masses by the reactionary regime of the Islamic Republic of Iran is in the interest of both the capitalist exploiters and plunderers of Iran and of the imperialists and warmongers who have worsened the living conditions of the people by their economic sanctions.
The capitalist regime of the Islamic Republic is very concern of the formation of independent worker-organisations and of the unity of the workers with other sections of the society. The Islamic regime is trying to suffocate any attempt to build independent and democratic workers' organisations. Following this policy, the regime of the Islamic Republic of Iran has harassed, tortured and imprisoned Reza Shahabi, Mohammed Jarrahi, Ebrahimzadeh, and other prominent trade union activists for several years.
The Party of Labour of Iran (Toufan) supports the just struggles of the labour-activists for a better working condition and we praise their attempts to form independent trade unions. We call on all fraternal Parties and the Marxist-Leninist Organisations, all worker-activists, and all progressive minded individuals of the world to express solidarity with the struggles of the Iranian worker-activists. The people of the world should be outraged over the imprisonment and treatment of the Iranian masses and labour activists and to demand the regime of Islamic Republic to free Shahrokh Zamani and worker-activists and political prisoners immediately and unconditionally. Only the intensification of the just struggle of the Iranian labourers and of the genuine international support for masses can force the Islamic regime to retreat and to stop the repression of the Iranian people.
Release Shahrokh Zamani and other worker-activists immediately and unconditionally!
Long live the struggles of the Iranian working class!
Down with the capitalist regime of the Islamic Republic of Iran!
The Party of Labour of Iran (Toufan)
April 13, 2014
Tuesday, April 15, 2014
Boycott Euro-elections – Greece out of the imperialist EU RIGHT NOW
The poster above says:
BOYCOTT THE EUROELECTIONS
GREECE OUT OF THE IMPERIALIST EU RIGHT NOW
Not recognise and deny to pay any debt
Movement for the REORGANITATION of KKE 1918-55
anasintaxi.awardpace.com
anasintaxi.blogspot.com
Friday, January 17, 2014
Restoration of capitalism in USSR
We wrote a series of articles on the Restoration of the capitalism in USSR. We translated 8 parts in English and there is one more under preparation.
The complete references of the articles in Greek can be found in: Η παλινόρθωση του καπιταλισμού στη Σοβιετική Ένωση (1953-1990) (σειρά άρθρων)
The book, written in Greek, which is under preparation, contains an introduction and 15 chapters.
Part 1 of the English articles corresponds to chapter 11a
Part 2 corresponds to chapter 11b
Part 3 corresponds to chapter 12
Part 4 corresponds to chapter 13
Part 5 corresponds to chapter 14
Part 6 corresponds to chapter 15.A
Part 7 corresponds to chapter 15.B 1-2
Part 8 corresponds to chapter 15.B 3
- 1: The working class in the Khrushchev-Brezhnev period was no longer the owner of the means of production
- 2: In the commodity economy of the Soviet Union, labor power had been anew converted to commodity
- 3: The commodity economy of the Soviet Union in the Khrushchev-Brezhnev period: a complete and permanent capitalist economy
- 4: The capitalist economy of the Soviet Union in the Khrushchev-Brezhnev period in prolonged stagnation and deep crisis
- 5: The capitalist reforms in the Soviet Union and the bourgeois theories of “socialism”
- 6: Reactionary anti-communist bourgeois theories that conceal the restoration of capitalism in the Soviet Union (1953-1990) Part A: The reactionary anticommunist bourgeois theory of "convergence" capitalism-socialism
- 7: Reactionary anti-communist bourgeois theories that conceal the restoration of capitalism in Soviet Union (1953-1990) Part B: The reactionary anticommunist bourgeois theory of "developed socialism" of the Khrushchevit social-democracy
- 1. “Party of all people” or revolutionary communist party?
- 2. “State of all people” or Dictatorship of the Proletariat
- 3. Transition period “from capitalism to socialism” or from socialism to capitalism”?
- 4. “Three” or two stages of the communist society?
- 5. “Socialism” a “new, autonomous way of production” or communist way of production?
The complete references of the articles in Greek can be found in: Η παλινόρθωση του καπιταλισμού στη Σοβιετική Ένωση (1953-1990) (σειρά άρθρων)
The book, written in Greek, which is under preparation, contains an introduction and 15 chapters.
Part 1 of the English articles corresponds to chapter 11a
Part 2 corresponds to chapter 11b
Part 3 corresponds to chapter 12
Part 4 corresponds to chapter 13
Part 5 corresponds to chapter 14
Part 6 corresponds to chapter 15.A
Part 7 corresponds to chapter 15.B 1-2
Part 8 corresponds to chapter 15.B 3
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