Unilateral entire debt suspension of payments – Greece out of Euro-EMU-European Union

Against the big local capital’s current strategic choice of KEEPING Greece inside EMU-Euro-EU, with the open support of the big bourgeois parties (PASOK-ND-LAOS), as well as the silent support of socialdemocratic parties (“K”KE-SYN) and organizations of the Extraparliamentary Left (KOE-NAR-ANTARSYA-KKE m-l -ML-KKE, etc.)

Today, in 2010, the working class and the whole Greek people as well as the country are undoubtedly confronted with a novel negative and extremely painful financial-political condition for their class interests, as well as the country’s interests. A novel condition, the existence of which has to be initially verified and recognized, and then analyzed. These are necessary premises for the designation of the content and correct orientation of the class struggle of the working class in the current very difficult and crucial period.

The country’s new financial-political condition is characterized by:

1. the deep crisis and bankruptcy of economy,

2. occupation by the “troika” of Commission-ECB-IMF,

3. violent abolition of all workers’ conquests,

4. deterioration of the relations between Greece and EU, to the country’s detriment.

A. Crisis and bankruptcy of the Greek economy.

1. Crisis. The crisis that keeps on shattering the entire capitalist world, as well as our country, burned out for years to come, in the hell that created massive unemployment of hundreds of millions of unemployed-half-unemployed humans, great poverty, hunger and the absolute immiseration of billions on the planet, the final illusory glow of the widely advertised by recently faded myth of capitalist “prosperity”, as well as the celebrated jabbers-myths of bourgeois and revisionist economist about “full employment,” “elimination of unemployment,” and a capitalist development “undisrupted by crises.”

Regardless of its existent singularities and main features as well as the way in which it broke out, this crisis is, as all the previous ones, a cyclical crisis of over-production, the root and cause of which exists within the fundamental contradiction of capitalism, which the other contradictions of this exploitative system are also connected with: the “the contradiction between the social character of production and the private form of its appropriation.”

It derives from here that the periodic crises of overproduction are an inherent and inevitable phenomenon in the capitalist mode of production which accompanies capitalist along its course of development. It is the result of the action and function of objective economic laws despite the contradicting claims of bourgeois economists cultivating the opposite view on the current crisis, seeking its cause within “erroneous financial policies” and limiting it to the “financial sector”: “bourgeois-capitalist circles try to propagandize by every mean the view that this crisis is the result of erroneous economic policies, in particular erroneous financial and monetary policies, which have led to increasing speculation and the “bubbles” in the financial sector. With such positions and propaganda they seek to hide the fact that capitalist economic crises are inevitable stages in the course of capitalist development, that they are the inevitable result of the capitalist mode of production developing in an uneven way, because it is led by profit and the market.”

In contrast to the bourgeois, for revolutionary Marxists, according to Marx, “the general conditions of crises … must be explained through the general conditions of capitalist production.”

The current world economic crisis, as all cyclical crises of over-production emerging from the essence, i.e. the inherent contradictions of the capitalist mode of production, “are never more than momentary, violent solutions for the existing contradictions, violent eruptions that re-establish the disturbed balance for the time being.”

The current crisis could not but also affect the local capitalist economy, despite the contradicting idiotic assurances of the reactionary Karamanlis governments and its indescribable and benighted economic headquarters that the country’s banks and economy are “armoured” against the crisis (and a few days later “endowed” the supposedly “armoured” banks with 28 b. Euros). Indeed, gross flubs of this kind were being uttered at the moment when it was known that the crisis had become manifest in our country before the outbreak of the world capitalist crisis – it became manifest unevenly in various country in terms of time and intensity, as well as sectors – affecting initially the construction sectors, and all its related branches.

The crisis has affected Greek economy more than those of the other member-states of the imperialist EU, as shown in figures (while maintaining relevant reservations) by Eurostat for 2009: investments declined by 13,4% in contrast to 2008, households’ consumption decreased by 1.8%, exports by 18.1% and imports by 14.1. The 2% decline of GDP shown by Eurostat is in reality much larger, while actual unemployment surpassed 15%.

Predictions for 2010 are much more unfavourable, since it is estimated the GDP decline will be at about 4%, while it is expected to have reached 7.5% by 2012, whereas unemployed will have reached 20%. Already in the second quarter of 2010, a 3.5% GDP shrinking was recorded. Construction activity fell by 22.4%, industrial production dropped 4.5%, while inflation 5.5% (in reality it fluctuates between 6 and 7%), and large waves of high prices are an everyday phenomenon. As for the army of hundreds of thousands of the unemployed, some more will be added, which, according to the GSEE’s estimations will have reached, and may have even surpassed, 1.200.000 by the end of the year.

2. Bankruptcy. Yet, besides the multiple problems caused by the profound economic crisis, which is expected to further intensify, the country’s economy was led in 2009 to open bankruptcy, which was already visible to the naked eye from the beginning of 2007 – despite the distorted statistical figures coming to light –, as a result of the application of extreme neoliberal policies by Karamanlis’ government and of dependence by the EU.

The government of the monarcho-fascist party of ND, with K. Karamanlis as prime-minister, is first and fore mostly responsible for the country’s financial bankruptcy, by doubling the external debt (more than 300 billion Euros) and multiplying the deficit by five (more than 30 billion Euros), leading to the country’s triple supervision-occupation by Commission-ECB-IMF. However, the then-opposition parties, the big-bourgeois PASOK and the social democratic “K”KE and SYN (the nazi-fascist LAOS had identified with the politics of ND), are tremendously responsible as well, for not revealing-denouncing this destructive financial course to the Greek people – a course, which at least for the final two years of ND’s governance was completely manifest and, as already mentioned, visible to the naked eye.

The very fact of the country’s financial bankruptcy (the typical statement “Regretfully, we are bankrupt” is not necessary) is questioned by all bourgeois and reformist forces, and even from those of the Extraparliamentary Left.

In contrast to the fabrications of the government and bourgeois politicians that “the country has not gone bankrupt,” along with those of ND and the Khruschevite socialdemocratic parties of “K”KE and SYN, who are also disputing the existence of bankruptcy,¹ the bankruptcy is a concrete and painful fact for the working class, as well as the people and the country in general.

An analysis of the relevant economic data can certainly reach the conclusion that the figures composing-indicating in an indisputable way the bankruptcy of Greek economy are: 1. an overwhelming external debt of more than 300 billion Euros, or about 120% of GDP (in a country with a minimal to inexistent industrial production, while even the “production” of waiters decreased with the drop of tourism since last year), 2. a huge deficit of more than 30 billion Euros or 14,5% of GDP, 3. a usurious 7-10% interest rate with a spread of 500-700 bps (an interest rate that only bankrupt countries are borrowing with), 4. inability of “managing”-serving the external debt, 5. the triple severe supervision by the Commission-ECB-IMF and designation of financial politicy not by the elected government but by the delegations of the imperialist Organizations, 6. recourse to the so-called EU-IMF “support mechanism” (i.e. enslavement) for a further loan, again with a usurious interest rate of 5%.

3. Occupation of the country by the “troika”: Commission-ECB-IMF. The extreme neoliberal financial policy of Karamanlis government, the unprecedented looting of public wealth, the successive great scandals, etc., etc., that led the country’s economy to bankruptcy, with the doubling of external debt and the deficit’s surge to 14,5% of GDP, rendered Greece a weak link of imperialist EU and the target of severe attacks of international speculative and usurious capital – in combination with the intense antagonism between Dollar and Euro – leading to an inability of borrowing and the surge of spreads to overwhelming heights. Eventually, the newly-elected Papandreou government, also continuing the destructive neoliberal financial policy, is turning to the notorious and newly-created “support mechanism” of EU and IMF, with first and fore mostly the imperialist EU, as well as the government of PASOK, being responsible.

During this year, the crisis and the bankruptcy of Greek economy also brought to the surface the profound crisis within the domain of imperialist EU, and furthermore, highlighted acutely the relations of servitude, dependence and exploitation of the smaller weak capitalist countries, such as Greece, by the large imperialist countries, first being France-Germany, which not only imposed to Greece a usurious interest rate of 5%, but pressed-are pressing Greece to buy military equipment manufactured in those countries.

All these developments led to an unprecedented, in terms of severity, and long-lasting supervision of Greek economy by the imperialist Organizations and the placement of permanent representatives of theirs at Athens, creating a completely new situation: a new occupation of the country, without troops.

It is certainly a fact that Greece’s incorporation to the imperialist EEC-EU and its entrance to the EMU had as a consequence the drastic limitation of its governments’ role (having an essentially decorative role), as well as of all small, weak and dependent EU member-states, in the outlining of financial politics, since this is determined in its basic directions by the powerful EU monopolies, and are only validated ex post facto by their local puppet-parliaments, thus deepening evern further and reinforcing imperialist dependence. The notorious “Stability and Growth Pact” of the Maastricht Treaty essentially meant an almost absolute loss of national sovereignty for the dependent member-states of the imperialist EU, such as Greece, despite the much-publicized illusory “equal” co-operation-alliance of nationally sovereign states within the EU domain.

Yet, there is no doubt that the current situation is different, much worse than the previous one, and completely new, since all aspects of Greek economy are decided and determined directly and absolutely by the branches of the imperialist Organizations Commission-ECB-IMF. The recognition and realization of this situation requires the intensification of the class struggle of the working class and all broad popular masses against imperialist dependence in general, and the country’s dependence by the imperialist European Union in particular.

But this new occupation – which is obviously accepted and supported by the servile government of PASOK – is disputed by the social democrats of “K”KE by considering it inexistent, beautifying in this way not only imperialist dependence but also its particular further deepening and strengthening. A “talented” social democrat from “K”KE even reached the point of claiming that because NAR-ANTARSYA² correctly recognize that the country “under IMF’S occupation,” this means that they are “absolving the government and giving shelter to them.”³ Only Khruschevite social democrats are capable of blabbing such incredible flubs.

The appointed members of the Commission-ECB-IMF troika – these unscrupulous and stiffening representatives of European and international capital – are working out the implementation of the most extreme neoliberal measures of cutting down wages and pensions, increasing mass unemployment, poverty and immiseration of broad popular masses, measures of annihilating privatizations as well as plundering of the country’s resources and of turning them over to – mainly – foreign capital, as well as its “poor relative,” the local capital, with catastrophic consequences for the workers as well as the country.

4. Violent abolition of all workers’ gains at all levels. The representatives of the “troika’s” imperialist Organizations and the servile government of PASOK mounted an attack unprecedented in vehemence and intensity – the larger since the years of “the political changeover” – against the class interests of the working class and all working people, embracing all levels – an attack in favour of European and international, as well as big local capital.

All the gains of the workers were demolished and annihilated violently overnight, the peak being 8 July when even the last remnants of the working class’s rights were abolished. The disgraceful “Memorandum” – a “Loan Agreement between Greek Government-European Union-International Monetary Fund” of colonial nature – besides being a monument of servitude, it moreover marks the “graveyard” of workers’ gains. Among others, already “lying” in this “graveyard” are the 13^th and 14^th pension, as well workers’ 13^th and 14^th salary, while a pension with a 65-year age-limit and 40-year employment-limit and a way of estimating it that is leading to a 40% decrease was enacted.

The tremendous cut back on wages and pensions, the continuous increase of mass unemployment, the high level of inflation (over 5,5%) and the unprecedented waves of high prices, great tax increases especially in goods of mass consumption, cut backs on social expenses, etc. aggravated the condition of the working class and broad popular masses dramatically, deepening the process of their absolute immiseration to the extreme and confirming afresh Marx’s theory of absolute immiseration, which was repeatedly declared “dead” and “outdated” by the bourgeois and traditional social democrats as well by the social democrats of Khruschevite “K”KE (in 1976, S. Zorbalas, GC of “K”KE’s “Marxist” Research Center claimed that the absolute immiseration of the proletariat did not exist in advanced capitalist countries and the USA: “without excluding absolute immiseration, specifically in some branches and certain popular layers, such as USA’s Negroes and minorities, the proletariat’s relative immiseration is the dominant tendency in these countries.”)⁴

The working class, despite the relatively massive strikes and marches, the central motto of which was “capitalist must pay for the crisis and bankruptcy,” was not able to hold off the attacks of international and local capital. It could not have cancelled the promotion and implementation of extreme anti-worker/anti-popular measures, because these strikes, with the responsibility of reformist workers’ patrons of GSEE-ADEDY-PASKE-PAME-AP:⁵ 1) did not succeed in even having the necessary massiveness, which is absolutely necessary for aborting the measures, 2) were split, and 3) their major characteristic was an absolute lack of unity. Another contributing important factor was the lack of prompt organizing, as well as many more and successive strike mobilizations. All these factors prevented the exercise of larger pressure to the government of PASOK and their bosses Commission-ECB-IMF.

Certainly, the workers’ patrons GSEE-ADEDY-PASKE-PAME-AP are first, fore mostly and absolutely to blame for this consequence, for they are serving the interests of capital with the reformist line of class collaboration (the activity of the fascists of DAKE (ND)⁶ is not necessary to mention, since they are nevertheless defending capital openly), for neither wanting not attempting to achieve the MASSIVENESS of strike mobilizations against anti-popular/anti-worker measures. It is obvious that without MASSIVE strike mobilizations, it is impossible to hold off capital’s attacks. Without MASSIVE strike mobilization, through the perpetuation of misery, the “return” of workers into trade unions and the creation of grass-roots trade unions in firms are impossible. Only MASSIVENESS can exercise a significant pressure to any given governments for the abortion of whichever anti-popular measures.

But the UNITY of strike rallies is a presupposition of MASSIVENESS. MASSIVENESS cannot be achieved without UNITY, an issue directly connected to the strikebreaking role of the reformist leaders PAME (the trade-union controlled by the “Communist” Party of Greece-“K”KE).

The strikebreakers-reformist leaders of PAME ― through the permanent fragmentation of strike rallies with their separate gatherings ― helped in the past the government of the monarchofascist party of Nea Dimokratia, with C. Karamanlis as prime minister, to promote and implement all the anti-popular/anti-worker measures; today, by continuing the same disruptive tactic in strike rallies, they are in the service of the government of the big bourgeois PASOK, and they are helping-enabling it to pass the present annihilating measures. For it is not possible for the reformist leaders of PAME to not understand that with their strikebreaking tactic they break immediately the UNITY of strike rallies, obstruct their MASSIVENESS and, thus, render the strike rallies INEFFICIENT before hand.

Here, it is worth reminding that, when the working class managed 10 years ago to hold off the the-then capital attack, forcing Simitis’s government to withdraw the Insurance Bill of Giannitsis, this became possible because the strike mobilizations of that time had been characterized by a UNITY that secured that unprecedented MASSIVENESS – not only in Athens and Thessaloniki, but throughout Greece – with the enormous militant participation of workers in strikes and demonstrations.

B. The Relations of Greece and EU: Continuous deterioration to the detriment of our country

When the Treaty-Agreement for the attachment of Greece to EEC had begun being implemented in 1962, professor Nikos Kitsikis (EDA-United Democratic Left) wrote: “today there might be not so many people knowing that the tempest of the Common Market will eradicate peasant households, sweep and disappear industries, crush small manufactures, afflict the middle layers in a deadly way, create an exhausting competition between Greek professionals and the foreign ones to which we are opening widely the gates, enslave our country under foreign capital with uncountable consequences, increase our trade balance’s huge deficit even more, render immigration an unstoppable bleeding for our work force and a flee in panic from our country, which will get poorer day by day, because it will produce less, since it will not be able to sustain agricultural and industrial antagonism, but will drown in foreign products.”

It is well-known that not only communists and people on the Left – who, for their larger part, were rallying around and expressing themselves politically through the lines of EDA – but also people from other political wings opposed the country’s attachment to the EEC, and this was because of the negative consequences on its financial-political course, as well as opposed its entrance to the EEC (later EU), which took form with the signature of the relevant agreement (28 May 1979) by Karamanlis Sr’s government (the country started participation in the EEC’s decisions from January 1981).

Today, 48 years after the attachment Agreement and 31 years after the agreement of Greece’s entrance to the EEC, the working class and the entire Greek people live the negative consequences of the aforementioned scientific predictions of Nikos Kitsikis as well as others.

It is obligatory to realize and be reminded that the decisions – damaging decisions for the class interests of the proletariat and peasantry as well as of the nation – for Greece’s attachment-entrance to the EU were absolutely the strategic choice of big local capital, the country’s dominant reactionary bourgeoisie.

From that time until a few years ago, the bourgeoisie’s political representatives cultivated a series of myths, such as 1) “equal participation in the EU,” 2) “permanent development,” 3) convergence of EU’s member-states’ economies,” 4) “permanent prosperity” – myths that have now fallen to pieces – while the ultra-reactionary “ethnarch” Karamanlis had the fathomless audacity to speak even about “the fortification of the country’s national sovereignty” during the entrance agreement signature ceremony.

In contrast to the local reactionary bourgeoisie and its representatives’ fictions, with the attachment of Greece to the EEC and above all its permanent entrance to it and then to EU-EMU, very significant changes determining decisively the country’s thereafter course until today took place and shaped a new situation:

1. The country’s imperialist dependence by EU monopolies is expanded, reinforced and strengthens, and gains an absolute, full and suffocating character,

2. The exploitation of wealth by foreign monopolies reaches uncontrollable dimensions,

3. Financial policies, and not only these, are determined exclusively by EU monopolies and serve their own interests, and are decided by Brussels and the imperialist Organizations Commission and ECB,

4. The economy of Greece has become in these recent years a supplement of the economy of the powerful imperialist countries of EU, mainly Germany and France, and the country has turned into an area of investing their capitals and a market for selling their products,

5. The difficulties and negative consequences for industry and agriculture are multiplying

6. A strong constraint of national sovereignty is taking place

In the 48-year period between the agreement for Greece’s attachment to EEC and today, the gap between imperialist EU and the Greece has been constantly deepening and expanding – instead of shrinking – and reached a tremendous degree at all levels – because of the action of the law of uneven economic development within the EU domain – while lately, besides the falling apart of the aforementioned myths, the myths of “protecting-securing the country from bankruptcy” and “decreasing the borrowing interest rate,” since the bankruptcy of Greek economy is now a concrete fact, and the interest rate, after the recourse of Papandreou’s government to the notorious “support mechanism” of EU-IMF is now at the usurious level of 5%. In the final analysis, the country resulted not only to the recent triple occupation of Commission-ECB-IMF, but also the placement of their representatives at Athens, thus erasing every trace of national sovereignty, since these – as representatives of European and national capital – are deciding for everything, including our country’s fortunes, simply giving orders to a puppet-government which deliberately brings forward the measures not only at the expense of the working class and the people, but also of the country.

After the country’s definitive entrance to the EEC, revolutionary communists and anti-imperialist – as well as other forces (“K”KE, Maoist revisionists, Trotskyists, more recently NAR, etc.) for demagogical reasons, as it has become evident by their attitude today – have correctly upheld not only their position for Greece leaving-exiting imperialist EU – which is expressed in the anti-imperialist slogan “Greece out of the EU” – but waged a struggle and promoted with every opportunity the necessity of the country’s exit from the “lions’ den” of big European monopolies.

Today, after the breakdown of the last great myth of an EU “saving” Greece through the “support mechanism (i.e. enslavement mechanism) and the “life-saving” usurious interest rate of 5%, the dramatic, absolutely negative and adverse developments to our country’s disadvantage – the result of the ever-more suffocating dependency by powerful EU monopolies becoming choking-strangulating by the new occupation of Commission-ECB-IMF – are bringing again, with a particular sharpness, to the centre of the political moment the anti-imperialist slogan-position of Communists and anti-imperialists “Greece out of the EU,” placing at the same moment to the agenda as immediate goals of the struggle of the working class and the people: Greece’s WITHDRAWAL of the EUROPEAN UNION, along with the exit from EMU-EURO, the refusal of recognizing the country’s debt and the unilateral entire debt suspension of payments. This is the proposal for struggle by the Movement for the Reconstruction of KKE 1918-55 in this crucial historic period, a period when there is neither a revolutionary condition nor a Leninist-Stalinist type revolutionary party. It is a political goal-proposal in complete opposition and in direct rupture with the big local capital’s current strategic choice of Greece STAYING in EMU-EURO-EU.

C. Greece out of EMU-EURO-EUROPEAN UNION

The foreign and local capitals’ continuous attacks as they are included, among others, in the enslaving “Memorandum,” and promoted by the troika and the government, as well as the very serious consequences in the country’s course springing from its further stay within EMU-EURO-EU are determining the direction and content for the front of struggle of the working class and other working masses and oblige them to struggle on the one hand for the defense of their class interests and the regain of their demolished gains and on the other hand against the new occupation of Commission-ECB-IMF and not only for the country’s exit from EMU-EURO (through the refusal to recognize and pay the debt), but also the direct, here and now, WITHDRAWAL from the imperialist European Union, a proposal which is expressed at a short length in the apropos slogan Unilateral entire debt suspension of payments – Greece out of Euro-EMU-European Union, against, as already stated, the big local capital’s strategic choice of KEEPING Greece in EMU-EURO, but first of all staying within imperialist European Union.

If in the early 60’s the big capital’s strategic choice was the country’s entrance to the EEC, its current strategic choice now is the permanent and further STAYING in the “lions’ den” of big and powerful imperialist EU monopolies, the consequences of which have been paid for years by the Greek people and country.

1. The struggle for defending the working class’s interests and the regain of demolished conquests.

The working class’s first goal in this very difficult period is the defense of its class interests at all levels, the rescue of those few remaining gains-rights from the onslaught of the “Memorandum” and the regain of demolished conquests.

The working class and the entirety of working people did not succeed in holding off the foreign and local capital’s attacks, as these were promoted by the troika and the government and were expressed in the notorious “Momeorandum,” this bring due, as already mentioned, to the reformist worker patrons of GSEE-ADEDY-PASKE-PAME-AP’s traitorous line of class collaboration, the lack of massive in the not promptly declared strike mobilizations, and finally the PAME’S reformist disruptive tactic which permanently undermined the unity and massiveness of mobilizations.

The anti-popular and anti-worker measures are supported directly and indirectly by the government of PASOK, the Nazi-fascist LAOS, and the monarch-fascist ND, while the latter one demagoguely protests “against” the “Memorandum.”

The Khruschevite social democratic parties “K”KE and SYN, as well as the organizations of the extraparliamentary Left stood and stand against the troika-government’s measures and support, with their well-known delinquency, the workers’ demands, although they permanently undermine their struggle with their separate and splitting strike mobilizations, which result in the frustration of the required massiveness and insufficiency.

Through observing the positions of the social democratic “K”KE-SYN, as well as all opportunist extraparliamentary organizations, it is easily seen that they are all limiting the working class’s struggle in the projection and claim of strictly trade-unionist demands. The social democratic leaders of Khrushevite “K”KE, in particular, are going even further, and become self-ridiculed, claiming that the trade-union demands of 35 hours a week-5 days a week-7 hours a day, etc. as well as “full and stable work, public and free Health and Education,” etc. supposedly consist “a radical context of struggle” (“Rizospastis”, 27/6/2010, pp. 10-11) – despite being cut-off from the context of the crisis.

2. The struggle against imperialist dependence – direct, here and NOW, withdrawal of Greece from EMU-EURO-EUROPEAN UNION.

Before referring to the working class’s second front of struggle – a broader and more important than the first one – it is obligatory from the outset to note and underline again the big local capital’s current strategic choice of Greece STAYING inside EMU-EURO-EU, something which is intentionally concealed by all parties and organizations – a reference which allows the better understanding of the current attitude of the various political forces in the country.

The confinement of the working class’s struggle to strictly trade-unionist demands, as this is projected by the social democrats (“K”KE-SYN) as well as the organizations of the extraparliamentary Left (KOE-NAR-ANTARSYA-KKE (m-l)-M-L KKE, etc.),⁷ even as “having as a spearhead the demands of struggle for the overthrow of the enslaving memorandum of the government-EU-IMF” (“Laikos Dromos,” 3/7/2010, p. 13), is at first sentencing the working class’s struggle to a defensive position, demobilizes and paralyzes it, and second – and more important – disconnects this necessary and of vital importance struggle of the working class for the defense of its class interests from the struggle against imperialist dependence by the EU – a dependence which has caused directly a series of the country’s economic problems, which are impossible to become understood to the required degree by the workers and the people without the struggle against EU, despite the breakdown of the myths attached to the EU.

The big local capital’s current strategic choice of KEEPING Greece inside EMU-EURO-EU is openly supported by the government of big bourgeois PASOK, the monarchofascist ND and the Nazi-fascist LAOS, as well as silently by the two social democratic parties (“K”KE-SYN) and the organizations of the extraparliamentary Left (KOE-NAR-ANTARSYA-KKE (m-l)-M-L KKE, etc.), because exactly in this period they are not posing the issue of Greece WITHDRAWING here and now neither from the imperialist EU nor even from EMU-EURO.

The refusal of social democratic “K”KE-SYN and the organizations of the extraparliamentary Left to pose the issue of Greece WITHDRAWING here and now from the imperialist EU (as well as EMU-EURO) means: 1) abandoning the attitude expressed in the anti-imperialist slogan “Greece out of the EU” and resigning from the conduction of anti-imperialist struggle, 2) silently supporting the big local capital’s aims and strategic choices of KEEPING Greece inside EMU-EURO-EU, aligning completely with its current designs, 3) supporting-perpetuating the country’s dependence by the imperialist EU’s monopolies.

The social democratic leaders of SYN have abandoned the anti-imperialist position-slogan “Greece out of the EU” and are in favour of the country staying within EU, while those of “K”KE, who are sometimes invoking the slogan phenomenally-demagoguely in order to deceive the working people, have essentially abandoned it as well, because firstly, they are also in favour of Greece staying inside EU, as A. Papariga recently confessed in an answer of hers to a relevant question that the exit of Greece from the EU at this moment “is not a solution in itself”⁸, and therefore they are in favour of Greece staying in the EU, and secondly, they, along with Maoist revisionist KKE (m-l) and M-L KKE⁹ are transferring and relegating Greece’s exit from the EU to – as far as “K”KE is concerned – the Greek calends, i.e. the “Doomsday” of so-called “people’s power” – “people’s economy)¹⁰, and to – as far as the Maoists are concerned – their “socialism” – both of which remain in the confines of capitalism (because all three parties reject violent-armed revolution and smashing the state machinery, and consequently, the Dictatorship of the Proletariat).

Despite all these, the social democratic “K”KE and the Maoist revisionists of KKE (m-l)/ M-L KKE attempted unsuccessfully to construct a “Left” disguise, to appear “more on the Left” by those (NAR, “Left Economists”) who only suggest an “exit from EMU-EURO,” and criticizing them, while at the same time, they are the ones who do not even suggest an “exit from EMU-EURO,” even as a “first reformist step,” and even more they do not suggest the here and now exit of Greece from imperialist EU, and therefore, since they do not do so, it is obvious that they are silently but fully and faithfully supporting the local capital’s current strategic choice of KEEPING Greece inside EMU-EURO-EU.

In opposition to the government and all political parties and organizations, the revolutionary Marxists, i.e. Leninist-Stalinists of the Movement for the Reconstruction of the Communist Party of Greece 1918-55 are proposing, as already stated, the content of the working class and the people’s struggle for this period being the direct, here and NOW, WITHDRAWAL of Greece from the imperialist EU (alongside EMU-EURO), expressed in the position-slogan “Unilateral entire debt suspension of payments – Greece out of Euro-EMU-European Union” – a proposal addressed neither to governments nor to political parties and organizations, but to the proletariat and the peasantry, and first of all to the youth, all working people and the entire Greek people and its mass organizations (trade unions, farmers’ unions, students’ movement, etc.). Concerning the unbearable debt, it must not be recognized and paid by the working class and the people, because firstly it is not their creation, but the creation of the reactionary bourgeoisie, and secondly, it is in a large part the product of speculative usurious interest rates.

It is the only proposal in direct opposition and rupture with the big local capital’s strategic choice of KEEPING Greece inside EMU-EURO-EU, as it is promoted in an auspicious moment and favourable, both in relation to the interior and Europe, situation. It is a proposal and overripe demand for promotion when the myths of imperialist Europe and local capitalism are becoming bankrupt daily in front of the wrathful eyes of the Greek people; the only proposal expressing popular and national interests, and most importantly, it is contributing to the development of an anti-imperialist consciousness for the broad popular masses and is suitable to cause the development of a large, broad, gigantic anti-imperialist movement – this is exactly what big local capital as well as EU monopolies fear –, suitable for the shifting of the necessary and requirement balance of power for the preparation of the future terminal release of the country for imperialist bondage, opening the way of revolutionary perspective, in combination with the fermentation of relevant revolutionary slogans in each phase of the struggle, in the direction of anti-imperialist-proletarian revolution and socialism-communism.

1 Aleka Papariga – “K”KE: “they are bringing back the scarecrow of bankruptcy,” “Rizospastis” 23/4/2010, p. 6, Alexis Tsipras – SYN: “nice fable about the dragon of bankruptcy,” “Eleftherotypia” 14/3/2010,

2 NAR: New Left Current, split of KKE from 1989. ANTARSYA: Anticapitalist Left Co-operation for the Overthrow: a coalition of organizations of the extraparliantary left.

3 “Rizospastis” 1/8/2010, p. 14

4 S. Zorbalas: “Marxism and Our Age,” p. 41, Athens 1976. Also look N. Kyritsis, “Neos Kosmos,” 9/1971, pp. 120-21, Th. Zachos, “Neos Kosmos,” 11/1972, pp. 40-41, etc. As for D. Koutsoumpas in the spirit of E.David (1899), Kautsky (1901), Tscheprakow (1969), Farakos (1974), he rejects-denies both relative and absolute immiseration, despite being economic laws, replacing them with the version of “tendency”: “a tendency of absolute and relative immiseration” (“R,” 25/4/2010, p. 4).

5 GSEE: General Confederation of Greek Workers. ADEDY: Civil Servants’ Confederation. PASKE (All-Greece Militant Syndicalist Movement): the syndicalist wing of PASOK. PAME (All-Workers Militant Front): the syndicalist wing of “K”KE. AP (Autonomi Paremvasi, Autonomous Intervention): the syndicalist wing of SYN.

6 DAKE: Independent Democratic Workers’ Movement. The syndicalist wing of Nea Dimokratia.

7 KOE: Communist Organization of Greece. Maoists co-operating with SYN in SYRIZA (Coalition of the Radical Left). KKE (m-l) (Communist Party of Greece (marxist-leninist) and M-L KKE (Marxist-Leninist Communist Party of Greece) are Maoists as well.

8 “Rizospastis,” 5/3/2010, p. 10

9 “Laikos Dromos,”, newspaper of M-LKKE, 5/6/2010, pp. 12-13

10 “K”KE: “disconnection from the EU along with people’s power,” (“Rizospastis” 27/6/2010, p. 11)

 

The Political Committee of the "Movement for the Reorganisation of the Communist Party of Greece 1918-55"
PO Box 3689, 102 10 Athens
Greece
Tel: +30 2108621543
Site:http://anasintaxi.awardspace.com
Blog (English):http://anasintaxi-en.blogspot.com
Blog (Greek):http://anasintaxi.blogspot.com